U.S.
Senate Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security
Act and Other Internal Security Laws, of the Committee on the Judiciary.
Senator
DODD. Your name and address, please.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Your full name is Eduardo AGUIRRE?
Father
AGUIRRE. Eduardo AGUIRRE.
Mr.
SOURWINE. And you are a priest of the Roman Catholic Church?
Father
AGUIRRE. Did you say if I am what?
Mr.
SOURWINE. You are a priest?
Father
AGUIRRE. I am a priest, a Catholic priest.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Yes. You were born in Camaguey Province?
Father
AGUIRRE. In Camaguey Province, Cuba.
Senator
DODD. Do you have any trouble understanding English? Would you prefer an
interpreter?
Father
AGUIRRE. No. I think I can understand.
Senator
DODD. If you have any trouble, tell us. That is what we have an interpreter
for.
Mr.
SOURWINE. You attended the University of Camilas?
Father
AGUIRRE. The University of Camilas, in Spain. Santander, in Spain.
Senator
DODD. Try to keep your voice up, Father, if you can.
Mr.
SOURWINE. You were ordained in Spain?
Father
AGUIRRE. I was ordained in Spain, July 24, 1950.
Mr.
SOURWINE. And what is your present assignment?
Father
AGUIRRE. I am assistant pastor at St. Patrick's Church, Miami Beach, Fla.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Have you been connected with churches in other cities in the
United States?
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes. I was also assistant pastor in West Palm Beach, St. Juliana
Church in West Palm Beach, Fla., and Amarillo, Tex.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Did you thereafter return to a church in Cuba?
Father
AGUIRRE. I was assigned pastor at Batabanó, of Havana Province,
Cuba, when I returned to Cuba in January 1959.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Now, tell us what you found when you returned to Cuba. Was there
a change in the atmosphere in Cuba?
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, it was a change. It was the time for the triumph of the
revolution and everybody was expecting the best for Cuba, for the Cuban
people, from the revolution, and I think that most of the Cuban people
were supporting and helping the revolution to have a good change, a political
stability, to have freedom, to finish the troubles, some kind of civil
war we have over there, and to improve the progress and the economic situation
of our country. I think that by January the great majority, the large majority
of the Cuban people were happy with the revolution and were expecting the
best for Cuba by January when I returned to Cuba.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Were you in Cuba during the Batista regime?
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, yes, some few years. I came to this country in 1955. Now,
not like a refugee, but anyway, I was speaking and doing my best against
the Batista regime.
Mr.
SOURWINE. You opposed the Batista regime?
Father
AGUIRRE. I did.
Mr.
SOURWINE. And was that responsible for your departure from Cuba?
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes, it was partly responsible for my departure. I didn't depart
officially like a refugee but I have trouble in my town, in my parish,
with some military men over there, with the lieutenant. in charge of the
garrison, and then I decided and with the advice of my own bishop to leave
the country, and to come to the United States.
Senator
DODD. Just when did you leave? I would like to make that clear on the record.
When was it you left Cuba?
Father
AGUIRRE. That was in August 1955.
Senator
DODD. You said it was with the advice of your bishop?
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes, with the advice of my bishop.
Senator
DODD. Had there been complaints about you by the Batista government?
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, military men of the Batista government, there was a complaint.
Senator
DODD. Had you been criticizing the Batista administration?
Father
AGUIRRE. I was in some ways.
Senator
DODD. And this is why you left Cuba, is it?
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes. That is the reason I left Cuba..
Senator
DODD. All right.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Now, after you returned to Cuba in January of 1959, did you thereafter
engage in activities against the Communists in Cuba?
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes, I did. When I--
Mr.
SOURWINE. Tell us when that began and how it came about?
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, I was assigned pastor at Batabanó on February 10.
As soon as I arrived to my parish--Batabanó is a fishing town in
the west coast of Cuba opposed to Havana City, and as soon as I arrived
to my town, I realized that the Communists had a big power, almost a control
over the town. I don't think that they did much--they did very little for
the triumph of the revolution, but they were ready after the fall of Batista
to take over, especially the union, workers' union in my town.
In
my parish there is a maritime union with 1,200 men, and the Communists
in this union, there are no more than 60 or 70 among 1,200 people.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Are you saying that 60 or 70 men took over a union of 1,200?
Father
AGUIRRE. That is right. That is what happened in my town. And then they
didn't celebrate any election, you know, to appoint the officials, the
bosses of the union, and then they were trying, you know--Batabanó
is a small town.
I
was helping everybody. When they had some trouble, when they wanted to
go to Havana to get something from the Government, you know, for the improvement
of the town, they used to call me. I went there, I talked for them, and
I had influence, of course, like a priest, like a pastor, and they considered
myself also like a revolutionary.
I
don't think the priest could be called exactly a revolutionary, but anyway
they thought this way and as soon as possible I realized the big influence
of the Communists over there, and I started immediately to preach to big
conferences, to write articles about the Communists, the tenure of the
Communists, about the Communist doctrine and also with a group of friends
belonging to the 26th of July Movement, I tried to form a new staff, a
new directive for the union, you know, and I tried to get everything through
to get the celebration of new elections in the union.
And
I have a lot of trouble with these--fighting with the Communists.
First
of all, I went to the Labor Minister, to Havana, to get completely informed
about the situation of the maritime union in Batabanó, and I went
also to the CTC. This is the national confederation of the workers, in
Cuba, and I have the support of these two institutions, the Labor Ministry
and the National Confederation of Labor, of the workers.
But
anyway, they send three times inspectors to the union to fig up everything
and to prepare the union to have a new election.
So
I was sure, if we could have an election, the Communists would not be able
to stay there any more because they were a small minority--60 or 70 among
1,200 workers. And we have several incidents with them. The inspector going
to the union three times, they started fighting and making trouble and
shooting.
The
last time, the inspector of the Labor Ministry was taken to prison. He
was fined $400 and then he went back to Havana after 3 days in prison and
he went to the television, to the radio, and he explained the very strange
situation in Batabanó. After a few days he came back to Batabanó
to see me and told me, "Father, I won't be able to do anything else because
the day after I talked by television, I was called by Raul Castro and he
told me that he didn't want to hear any word, anything else about the Communists
in Batabanó because in Cuba it is not possible to attack the communism."
That
is what Raul Castro, Fidel's brother, told this gentleman. He said, "I
don't want you to say anything about this because here you are not able--nobody
is able--to attack, to oppose the Communist doctrine, and after that this
man kept the same position, the boss of the union who was the boss of the
Communist Party in Batabanó.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Who was that?
Father
AGUIRRE. His name is Manuel Rua Romano. He was trying to get elected mayor
in Batabanó on two different occasions, and he was always the boss
of the Communist Party in Batabanó. As everybody knows, he was an
open Communist, you know. And after that, this man was assigned a general
inspector of the maritime union in Cuba. That is the price he got.
Mr.
SOURWINE. You mean he got a government job?
Father
AGUIRRE. That is right. More than he had in Batabanó. He was appointed
general inspector of the labor, of the maritime unions in Cuba, in all
the islands, in the 43 maritime unions in Cuba.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Who replaced him as head of the union in Batabanó?
Father
AGUIRRE. He stood over there also. I think he was working the two jobs
at the same time. And they have control. I couldn't say anything else against
the Communists. They used to accuse me for being anti?Communist and they
used to accuse me for being also pro-American, because I know this country,
the life, and the wonderful things you have here, and I used to talk with
my friends about the United States, the organization, the freedom, the
wonderful things
I
knew myself in this country. And I was for this reason, especially for
these two reasons, for being anti?Communist, you know, speaking openly
against the Communists and speaking in favor of many wonderful things you
have here-?I was accused of being counterrevolutionary.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Who accused you?
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, the people belonging to the 26th of July Movement in Batabanó--they
were accusing me. They didn't greet me any more. They used to be my friends.
They used to go once in a while to the church. They used to call me for
everything important.. They had to consult me, to go with them to Havana
to get something from the government?and after that they didn't greet me
any more and they accused me of that..
They
were spying on me even during the day, and also during the night.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Do you know the meaning of the word "ostracism"?
Father
AGUIRRE. The meaning of--
Mr.
SOURWINE. Ostracism.
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes, I know.
Mr.
SOURWINE. You mean to tell us it is cause for ostracism in Cuba if you
are pro-American?
Father
AGUIRRE. Oh, yes. I am sure. I was--I had to go through this ostracism
myself.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Go ahead.
Senator
KEATING. May I inquire at this point, Mr. Chairman?
You
spoke of their spying on you. What form did that spying take?
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, they were spying on me from 12 in the night, midnight, until
the morning. They used to say in the town that I was having conspiracy
meetings. That was not the truth. I never had in the night nor even in
the day any conspiracy meetings with nobody.
They
were accusing me that I used to salute, to say "hello" to everybody in
town; and they didn't want me or anybody else to say "hello" to a person
who used to have some contact, some relation with the Batista regime; and
that is against my priesthood condition. I was a pastor.
I
have the right and the obligation to attend everybody, to talk to everybody,
even to visit some of the families when they call me to pay attention to
a sick person or for something else because I was the pastor for everybody,
and they wanted me to keep away from all--any other people who used to
have some relation or contact with the Batista regime.
Senator
KEATING. In other words, they asked you as a priest of the church to stop
any contact with anyone who did not have their political principles ?
Father
AGUIRRE. That is right. That is what they were trying to do and I didn't
go through this way because I was first a priest and a pastor for all my
parishioners. I could have any private sympathy with the revolution, as
I have, but I was a pastor for everybody and I had the obligation to pay
attention to everybody in my own parish.
Senator
COTTON. May I ask one question, Mr. Chairman?
Before
you left Cuba the first time, because of the military members of the Batista
regime, were you in this same community, in this same church?
Father
AGUIRRE. No, sir. I was in Camaguey Province in another town, in some other
parish, and when I came back to Cuba in 1959, I went to the Havana Province
and I was--
Senator
COTTON. I see.
Father
AGUIRRE. I was appointed to Batabanó. It is a town of Havana Province.
Senator
COTTON. Now, when you said a moment ago that those who had been your friends
before ceased to speak with you, to you-
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes.
Senator
COTTON. You didn't mean that they had been your friends back in the days
when you were opposing Batista. You mean--
Father
AGUIRRE. No.
Senator
COTTON. They were your friends when you first came to this new parish?
Father
AGUIRRE. That is right. They were my friends when I first came to this
new parish because they knew that I was a very good sympathizer of the
revolution and I was helping the revolution from here, from the United
States, with the Cubans, you know, advising them and doing the best I could
for the Cuban exiles.
Senator
COTTON. I don't question that statement. But how did they know it in this
new parish that you came to? How did they know of your previous opposition
to the Batista regime?
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, because through many people going there to see me, you know,
some of the top revolutionary men knew me from here and they used to go
there and, you know, they were talking with other people.
Also
there were some publications in the papers about me, you know. There were
several ways to know that.
Senator
COTTON. Thank you.
Senator
DODD. The fact was quite well known that you were a supporter of Castro?
Father
AGUIRRE. That is right. It was quite well known that I was a supporter
of the revolution--not only of Castro, because Castro is not the revolution.
I think that the revolution was--the big majority of the Cuban people want
to change the condition under the Batista regime.
Senator
DODD. He was the leader of it, wasn't he? Castro was the leader?
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes, that is right. Castro was the leader and I think still a
leader over there.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Why did you leave Cuba to come back to the United States this
last time?
Father
AGUIRRE. Why did I leave?
Mr.
SOURWINE. Why did you leave? Yes.
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, I was complaining about all these conditions and I was afraid--they
were threatening me. I was afraid they could get me involved in any conspiracy
because they were taking several prisoners in my town.
One
time they took about 40 men. Many of them were my friends. They used to
talk to me and go to church and some of them didn't belong to any Catholic
association I had over there and I was very afraid because the. ostracism
you were talking about--they were improving this ostracism.
For
example, I had my car over there, my automobile, and I didn't have a garage.
I had to let it outside the church and I used to go to Havana once a week
and most of the time when I go into Havana, when I come back, there is
a garrison in the entrance of town and they were searching my car. They
knew I was the priest, I was the pastor, and they were searching my car,
looking, I think, for weapons or for antigovernment propaganda, something
like that. I used to tell them, "What for are you searching my car? I don't
have--I never used a weapon in my life and I don't have to have any weapons."
But
anyway, I was afraid some day they were going to put some weapons in the
back of my car when I go to Havana in the morning so they could search
my car and find some weapons. I couldn't give any reason for that.
Mr.
SOURWINE. I want to get this clear for the record. Are you saying you were
merely afraid of being threatened or are you saying you were afraid because
you had been threatened? Were you in fact threatened by anybody?
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes; I was in fact threatened by several people. And I was--as
I tell you, they would search my car. That was a disrespect for me, you
know. And they didn't trust me any more because when I was entering the
town, or going away, they stopped me and they were searching my car.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Do you remember telling us in executive session that there was
a Communist campaign against you, personally?
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes. There was.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Explain that, would you, please?
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, that was when we were preparing the election in the labor
union. The Communists, with all these ways they have, you know, to get
the thing they want--they didn't celebrate the election. They did celebrate
the election but by themselves, like they do in the Communist countries.
They didn't have any opposite party, you know, for the election, the labor
union, and they celebrate the election I remember the 24th of May 1959;
and after the election they got a mob in front of my church in the park
of Batabanó and they were crying that they were going to burn the
church and they were crying, about 150 of them, that they are going to
hang the priests.
They
said "We have to go in and we have to bring you here to, the park--to hang
them here in the public park." I was still afraid myself. I said, well,
if they do it, everybody in the world is going to know the real situation
of the Communists in Cuba. The Communists, they have to threaten anybody,
even a priest, and I opened the door of my church--it was about 7:30 in
the night.
The
sacristan, the man who is in charge of doing the things in the church,
he came and said, "Father, will we ring the bells for the rosary?" We used
to have the rosary every night. I said, "Yes, go ahead, open the door and
light the candles, have the light on, and ring the bells," and then the
policeman--they put two men with rifles in the front of my church, in the
front of the main door.
That
means--I didn't ask for that but that means that they were afraid, the
authority, that the Communists meant it when they said they are going to
the church and they are going to burn it and are going to do some damage
to me--that they were afraid that they wanted to do it. And then, after
a while, I was inside and they were crying, shouting, "Let's hang the priest
and let's burn the church," and there was a very real tension in town.
I
have many friends with me around who would say, "Father, we are ready to
fight and to die if they dare to come into the church." But after a while
they went away and I went out and nothing happened.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Was it shortly after this that you decided to come to the United
States?
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, I was decided shortly after that. I was decided to come
to the United States, but anyway I was fighting that the situation could
change, you know, because the big majority of the Cuban people is Catholic--Christian.
They like the freedom, democracy, the respect for everybody, the law and
the order. I think that everything will be straightened out after a while.
We
cannot go ahead with this situation, with the control of the Communists
everywhere, with the power they have, and I was expecting until--I was
supposed to come before November but we have a wonderful congress, a great
Catholic congress in Havana by the end of November, and I wanted to stay
there to see how the people would manifest their faith because this congress
was the public in a real manifestation of about a million people, 1 million
people, against the Communists; and that was the cry of the people in the
congress.
"Democracy,
yes; Communists, no." That was the public cry over there. And then I came
after the congress, immediately.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Father, did you come with the approval of your bishop this time
as you did the first time?
Father
AGUIRRE. I did come with the approval of my own bishop in Havana.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Do you remember the information you gave us about the organization
of juvenile patrols, boys of teen age?
Father
AGUIRRE. That is right.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Tell us about that.
Father
AGUIRRE. I remember.
Well,
this organization is trying to introduce in the minds of the young people
even the children 13, 10, 14 years old--the absolute obligation to obey
the party. I mean the leader, because when they say "the party," they say
"the leader, Fidel Castro."
And
they try to influence their minds so that they will be devoted completely
to everything coming from the leader. And even though they used to indoctrinate
those children and young, very young people, that they have to obey the
government, the movement, rather than obey their own parents, their own
church or anybody else. And I am sure that this is a Communist and totalitarian
doctrine, you know, that they are trying to indoctrinate the young people
with these ideas, to obey without any doubt any suggestion of the leader.
"Maximo
Lider," as they called him.
Also
they are indoctrinated to spy in their family, their parish, everybody
around them.
Mr.
SOURWINE. To spy on their own family?
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes, and I know a case--I don't have the name. The priest that
came visiting from Cuba about 2 months ago, he gave me the case, with the
number, with the name, of one child who was about 13 or 14 years old in
Oriente Province and he accused his grandfather of talking against the
government, and then this grandfather was sent to the prison. That was
the effect of the indoctrination that this grandchild accused his grandfather
of hearing some talk against the revolution or against the Government.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Did the Castro government ever attack the church?
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, I think he did. As far as his going--as far as he went away
with these ideas
Mr.
SOURWINE. Pardon me, Father. Don't you remember telling us in executive
session that Castro never attacked the church?
Father
AGUIRRE. Never attacked
Mr.
SOURWINE. Yes.
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, I said he never attacked openly. I mean he didn't say never:
"Well, we don't want to have the church any more. We don't want to have
any more priests." He didn't do it openly because he is smart to do that
and he knows that most of the people, the great majority have a, good Christian
sentiment, especially Catholic because most of the people in Cuba are Catholic,
and he never attacked openly.
But
he had been attacking the church several other ways, not strictly openly.
He has been attacking his priests, anyway, after these declarations I told
you, he has been attacking priests and even bishops in the official newspaper.
If there are any priests or any bishops who would dare to say anything
against the Government, it would be considered like a criminal of?war ,
like a man sold to the American interest, like a Trujillista, like a nonpriest
anymore. They would call any priest, any bishop who would dare to say something
publicly in Cuba against the Government.
And
about 2 weeks ago, one priest, Father Vasco Guevara, he used to write for
the paper--some few articles about the socialization of Cuba. He never
attacked--I read all his articles. He never attacked openly the Government
but he was criticizing something, you know.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Thank you, Father.
Do
you have any information respecting the intentions of the Communist Party
in Cuba as regards the United States?
Father
AGUIRRE. Any intention about--
Mr.
SOURWINE. Do you have any information about what the Communist Party in
Cuba intends or how they regard the United States?
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, they regard--I think the Communist Party, the policy, not
only in Cuba but all Latin America, since 1956 is to discredit the United
States, to go to make trouble between the United States and the Latin American
countries, to raise the anti--American sentiments, and that is the campaign
that you should know, I am sure, the "Hate America" campaign they are getting
in Cuba. You know, everything wrong that happened in Cuba or happened in
any other country in Latin America, they will blame systematically the
United States. That is the campaign they have in Cuba.
The
Government has that in Cuba. And that is the campaign of the Communists
in all Latin American countries.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Father Aguirre, do you. have any information about the Prensa
Latina, the Latin American press agency in Cuba?
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes; I had information that this Prensa Latina is a Communist-controlled
agency.
Mr.
SOURWINE. From where do you get that information?
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, I got this information through one person inside the Prensa
Latina, through another priest. You know that I couldn't say his name,
you know, because he is still in Cuba. He gave me the names of the top
officers, of the men running the Prensa Latina and their relation to the
Communist Party, all their background you know, and this Prensa Latina
is a Communist agency in complete contact with Prague in Czechoslovakia.
They
kept a relationship in cables and in code with Prague, receiving information
and everything they want to say, you know. And the general policy of the
Prensa Latina is to present all the news, even the more insignificant ones,
against the United States, and to present all the troubles that there are
in this country, like anywhere else. You know, if there are racial troubles,
discrimination, they want to make a great propaganda about that, to discredit
this country, in all the news, even the more insignificant. That is the
purpose of the Prensa Latina.
Mr.
SOURWINE. What were the names given you as the top Communists in Prensa
Latina?
Father
AGUIRRE. What?
Mr.
SOURWINE. You said that certain names were given to you as the top Communists
in Prensa Latina, if I understood you correctly. What were those names?
Father
AGUIRRE. You want me to say the name?
Mr.
SOURWINE. No. I understood you could not give the name of your informer.
Father
AGUIRRE. No.
Mr.
SOURWINE. You couldn't tell who told you?
Father
AGUIRRE. That is right.
Mr.
SOURWINE. But I understood you to say he had given you the names of persons
who were top Communists in Prensa Latina.
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Can you give us those names?
Father
AGUIRRE. I think I have it here. Let me see. I don't think I have it. I
gave it already.
Senator
DODD. You gave us the names of people who are not Cubans who are in this
Prensa Latina. The informer gave you that.
Father
AGUIRRE. He didn't give the name.
Senator
DODD. Was the name Masetti?
Father
AGUIRRE. Well--
Senator
DODD. Do you know that?
Father
AGUIRRE. He is the executive chief of the Prensa Latina.
Senator
DODD. Well, who is he? Who were you told he is?
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, he is an Argentinian, Communist, Peronist. He is the chief,
I mean, the executive chief of the Prensa Latina, this Masetti.
Senator
DODD. You said you were told he was an Argentine Communist?
Father
AGUIRRE. That is right. Peronist.
Senator
DODD. And he is now an official of the Latin Press Agency?
Father
AGUIRRE. That is right.
Senator
KEATING. Mr. Chairman, in other words, he was a supporter of Peron?
Father
AGUIRRE. Of Peron.
Senator
KEATING. When Peron left he became an active Communist?
Father
AGUIRRE. That is correct.
Air.
SOURWINE. Do you know the name Modica?
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes. He is one of the men also, the top men in the Prensa Latina.
Senator
DODD. Tell us, who is he? What were you told about Modica?
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, I don't--I have a few of the more important details, you
know, that he was born--he was a Communist, but I don't have the complete
information about him, you know. I couldn't tell you too many details.
I think I give you already the details I had.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Did you know a man named Padilla?
Father
AGUIRRE. Padilla? Yes, I do.
Mr.
SOURWINE. He is also with the Prensa Latina?
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes, he is.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Was he also identified to you as a Communist?
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Panamanian Communist?
Father
AGUIRRE. A Panamanian Communist.
Air.
SOURWINE. Did you know the names Pastor Valdes, Jose Pardo, Gabriel Molina,
and Antonio Fernandez?
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Were they connected with Prensa Latina?
Father
AGUIRRE. They are.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Were they identified to you as Cuban Communists
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes, they are.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Do you know where the meeting place of the Communist Party is,
in Havana?
Father
AGUIRRE. They have, I think, the meeting in the building of the Prensa
Latina. The center of contact among all Communists in Cuba.. You know that
there are many Communists, officers and engineers and politicians, from
China, Russia, Yugoslavia, in Cuba; Czechoslovakia. They used to have the
meeting at the Prensa Latina Building in Havana.
Senator
DODD. Father, let me ask you a couple of questions. Lot me ask you first
a general question.
Is
it a fair summary of your testimony now, as I state it, that you were a
Catholic priest in Cuba; you were opposed to Batista, and this was well
known under the Batista government? Is that right?
Father
AGUIRRE. That is right.
Senator
DODD. So you had to leave Cuba and you came to the United States?
Father
AGUIRRE. That is right.
Senator
DODD. You supported the Castro revolution from the United States as well
as you could?
Father
AGUIRRE. I did.
Senator
DODD. Before the takeover by Castro.
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes, I did.
Senator
DODD. Thereafter you returned to Cuba in January of 1959?
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes.
Senator
DODD. You found that Communists were very active in Cuba?
Father
AGUIRRE. That is right.
Senator
DODD. They gave you a hard time, made it difficult for you to carry on
your priestly activities?
Father
AGUIRRE. You are right.
Senator
DODD. You observed their activities in labor unions?
Father
AGUIRRE. That is right.
Senator
DODD. The Prensa Latina Agency, and where they indoctrinated the youngsters
who had been spying on their parents and on other people--
Father
AGUIRRE. That is right.
Senator
DODD. All right. And you have told us that you believe and have been informed
that certain people in this press agency are Communists?
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes, I do.
Senator
DODD. Now, let me ask you a question. Do you know of your own knowledge
of any activities in Cuba at the present time that are directed against
the United States?
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, I know the public activities, you know, the propaganda that--you
want to know if I know of some special activities, but I don't really know
if there is something special they are trying to do to the United States.
I don't really know.
Senator
DODD. Do you know of any Cuban Communist agents who are operating in the
United States?
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, I do. I think all the agents of Fidel Castro in the United
States are Communists.
Senator
DODD. Well, do you know who they are?
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes. Well, I think I know.
Senator
DODD. Can you tell us?
Father
AGUIRRE. The names?
Senator
DODD. Yes.
Father
AGUIRRE. I don't have the names in my mind now. I mean, I know some things
in Miami, you know, in Florida, but not here. I know some of them in Cuba..
I think that the agent for Manuel Marquez--he is in charge of tourism in
Cuba, and the chief of G-2 in Miami. He is in charge of all the agents,
Communist agents, Fidelista agents in Miami. He is the boss of things,
Manuel Marquez.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Do you know where he lives in Havana?
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, I don't remember. It is known in Miami, you know. He has
a tourist commission, Cuban Tourist Commission in Miami.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Do you know his residence in Miami?
Father
AGUIRRE. I don't remember the address. I think I would know if I were there,
but I don't remember exactly the address.
Senator
DODD. How would one go about locating him?
Father
AGUIRRE. About locating him?
Senator
DODD. About finding him.
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, I think it is very easy through the Immigration in Miami,
easy to locate him.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Have you seen this man?
Father
AGUIRRE. I have seen him; yes.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Would you describe him?
Father
AGUIRRE. Oh, yes. He is very well known in Miami.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Describe him. Is he a tall man, dark?
Father
AGUIRRE. He is a dark man, tall, like me, more or less, a dark man, about
40 years old, something like that, 37, 38.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Is he clean shaven?
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Does he have a moustache?
Father
AGUIRRE. No; he doesn't have any moustache.
Senator
DODD. Did you observe any activity on the part of Chinese Communists in
Cuba?
Father
AGUIRE. Yes. There is a--they have a lot of activity. I think they are
imitating more--the Communist government in Cuba--the Chinese than the
Russian. They are always praising the Chinese popular government, they
call it; and they have a radio now, a station, an hour in Chinese language
for the Chinese colony in Cuba; and they have a paper also, the Regla,
in some town near Havana.
Senator
DODD. They have a newspaper?
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes, sir; a newspaper for the Communist Chinese. I have heard--I
couldn't tell you the name, but several people, you know, who have been
in contact with the Government, they used to find many foreigners there
that are not American, because in Cuba if you don't talk English--but everybody
understands when somebody is talking in English. They hear these same talking
some other language, but not English. That is Russian, Chinese--you can
recognize the Chinese through their face, you know, and Yugoslavian and
Czechoslovakian, and especially Chinese Communists. There are many Chinese
Communists in Cuba from China, even publicly.
They
are always saying in the paper that they are receiving a mission of Chinese
students, of the Chinese workers. They are always. And with this commission
comes 20, 30 people. Who knows who they really are? They say that they
are representatives of the students or the workers in China, but we don't
know exactly who they are.
They
know, of course.
Senator
KEATING. Can you tell us anything further, Father, about the relation between
the church and the Government? Have you given us all the information you
have with reference to the Government's attitude toward the church?
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, I think I didn't give you all the information I have but
I give some. Well, I think that the relation, as I told you first of all,
you know that I am not talking in the name of the church in Cuba. I am
talking in my own name. I don't represent anybody or any church in Cuba.
I represent my own opinion.
And
I think the relations are getting worse every day because it is impossible
to get along with the Communists, this indoctrination, with these totalitarian
ideas that there are in the propaganda, in the radio, in the television,
in the paper, everywhere, you know. They are trying to make God a poor
man, like Fidel. I think he is a poor man. The propaganda are trying to
make him a god and that is against any religious sentiments, not only against
the Catholic sentiments. And it is against God's idea to make a man God,
and that is what--I think the relations are getting worse every day.
There
has been taken some property of the church.
Senator
KEATING. They have taken properties of the church?
Father
AGUIRRE. They took already some properties of the church, farms, a few
farms, censers, ecclesiastical censers, that is the kind of property the
church has over there. And they were making a big propaganda to take over
the Havana cemetery. The Havana cemetery belongs to the diocese of Havana,
to the church. The money they are receiving for this property is to support
the Seminary of Havana and some other orphanage. And there has been making
a lot of propaganda through the radio to takeover the cemetery. I think
they will take it pretty soon.
And,
as far as I know, there are many--most of the priests, the great rnajority,
they are very, very disappointed with this situation in Cuba. they are
afraid to talk in public because if they talk in public against--I wouldn't
say against the Government. Nobody would dare to say that over there.
But
against communism, they won't be able to stay there. They will have to
get away from Cuba.
Like
happened to me, you know. Like happened to some other priests. If there
is anybody talking publicly and frequently, with some frequence, against
the Communists, against this indoctrination, the totalitarian Communist
indoctrination to the young people, they won't be able to stay there any
more and that is what they don't dare to talk in public but they talk in
private, privately, with the other priests, with the parishioners, some
other person.
Senator
KEATING. Have you heard any officials of the Government express anti-American
sentiments?
Father
AGUIRRE. Oh, yes. The Maximo Lider, Fidel Castro, he is always expressing
very anti-American sentiments. Always he is talking about the Americans
and all the others, the official papers, the Revolucion, the official papers,
and the other ministers, they are always blaming the United States for
everything wrong in Cuba.
Senator
KEATING. That is the official Government doctrine, not simply the Communists?
Father
AGUIRRE. No, no. Official Government. Official Government doctrine, that
is right.
Senator
KEATING. You have spoken of the large number of Chinese agents there. Are
there Russian agents in Cuba?
Father
AGUIRRE. There are, too. Yes. But I think there are more Chinese than Russian.
Senator
KEATING. And there are agents from other Communist countries?
Father
AGUIRRE. Always. Especially from Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia.
Senator
DODD. Senator Cotton?
Senator
COTTON. Father, did you observe exactly how 60 or 70 members of that maritime
union took over the control of 1,200? How did they go about it?
Father
AGUIRRE. I didn't observe it because I wasn't there when they took over,
but I knew it because everybody knew it in the town.
Senator
COTTON. How did they do it?
Father
AGUIRRE. In the 1st and 2d of January, the people, the young people, the
revolutionaries, were taking care of the public order in the town, you
know, and they were taking over the garrison and the Communists were taking
care of the unions. They didn't do anything else. And that is what they
did in Batabanó.
The
boss of the Communists at the 1st of January was in Havana. He wasn't in
Batabanó and as soon as he knew the Batista regime was out, it fell
down, then he went to Batabanó directly to the labor union building,
you know. And they brought--they came in and they took power of the union.
Senator
COTTON. When the Batista government was overthrown
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes.
Senator
COTTON. Did the revolutionary high command assign certain people in certain
communities to take over certain functions? In other words, was it the
revolutionary command that assigned certain people to take over the police
functions and then turned the Communists loose on the unions, or did it
just happen locally?
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, more or less I think there were some assignments, but in
general was--a lot of confusion, and in this confusion the only people
who knew what they wanted were the Communists. They went directly to the
labor union.
Senator
COTTON. That is very clear. Thank You.
Father
AGUIRRE. They were very clear what they were after.
Senator
COTTON. Now let me ask you this: Did you know of the existence of Communist
cells or groups in Cuba while the Batista regime was still in power?
Father
AGUIRRE. Yes. There were some Communist cells working in Cuba.
Senator
COTTON. Were they fairly strong?
Father
AGUIRRE. I don't think so. They were some by this time.
Senator
COTTON. Were they Cubans, largely, or were they composed largely of non-Cubans,
people from the outside?
Father
AGUIRRE. At that time I think they were Cubans. They were only Cubans most
of the time, I think.
Senator
COTTON. Was it only since the coming of the Castro government that Argentine
and Panamanian and Chinese and Russian Communists have come into Cuba ?
Father
AGUIRRE. That is right. That was after Castro took over, not before.
Senator
COTTON. Are the outside Communists effective in their propaganda with Cubans?
Do they exercise quite an influence with Cubans?
Father
AGUIRRE. They do. They exercise--they are having key positions, none very
openly, you know, but in all the ministries there are some outsiders, foreigners,
Communists, in key positions.
Senator
COTTON. And how have they obtained those key positions?
Father
AGUIRRE. Well, I think because the Government is Communist, because Fidel
Castro is Communist himself; that is a policy they have. They have everything
prepared this way, you know, to indoctrinate the other one, to control
the minds and opinions of the other people in those jobs, in those positions.
Senator
COTTON. I am not familiar with either the Spanish or Latin American languages,
but is there a distinction or marked difference between the language of
a resident of Argentina and a Cuban, for instance.
Father
AGUIRRE. No. There is no essential distinction. For example, like the distinction
between the English the United States speaks here and the English of England,
you know. There are so many
Senator
COTTON. Or the English of the South.
Father
AGUIRRE. That is right. The North and the South. There is the same language.
We can understand, we speak the same language in Argentina.
Senator
KEATING. Or New England.
Senator
COTTON. So there is no handicap in other Latin Americans coming in and
seeking to convince and to win the Cubans to Communism.
Father
AGUIRRE. No.
Senator
COTTON. No handicap of language.
Father
AGUIRRE. There is no handicap. We have one of the top names in the Government,
Guevara; he is an Argentine. He is one of the most powerful men in Cuba.
Senator
COTTON. How about the case of Europeans, or Asians, Russians, and Chinese?
Father
AGUIRRE. Some of them know Spanish very well. I think they were all ready.
They have a good knowledge of the language and some don't know but they
have interpreters.
Senator
COTTON. But they have been given positions of power to aid them and those
positions have been given them by the Castro government?
Father
AGUIRRE. The Government, that is right. You are right.
Senator
COTTON. You are quite sure of that?
Father
AGUIRRE. I am quite sure of that.
Senator
KEATING. Have you actually observed, of your own knowledge, instances of
that?
Father
AGUIRRE. No. I didn't see myself. Batabanó, no other town, I didn't
see them myself. But many other people, very responsible people, even some
priests have told me about this man. Also, I tell you, for example, when
they were in part of the Government, taxes to the church--now the church
has to pay taxes in Cuba. They don't pay here and most of the countries,
for the territory, for the church, for the schools and so forth. And when
they were paying, they say the Treasury Ministry, they send a man to discuss
with the lawyer of the archbishop, the diocese of Havana, about this problem,
and the man with the power to discuss that was a Spaniard, a Communist
Spaniard, was no Cuban, was a Communist in the civil war in Spain, a Communist
Spaniard. He was the man with all the power and with the bishop and the
lawyer of the diocese who was asking him, it wasn't good, because the church
in Cuba is poor more or less. He said, "Well, why shouldn't you pay taxes
when you receive a stipend or an offering, for example, for a mass, like
anybody else. If you receive $2 for a stipend, you should pay taxes like
anybody else." And he had all the power. This was a Spaniard Communist.
He was not a Cuban. I know especially this man myself.
Senator
COTTON. Thank you.
Mr.
SOURWINE. No more questions, Mr. Chairman.
Senator
DODD. Thank you very much, Father. We appreciate the fact you would come
here and give us this testimony.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Mr. Chairman, I would like to call Father Juan Ramon O'Farril.
Is Father O'Farril here?
Mr.
Schroeder, is the Father coming?
Mr.
SCHROEDER. The marshal in Miami notified us the day before yesterday that
he had received his subpena.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Would you check to see if he has reported in downstairs?
Mr.
SCHROEDER. I Will.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Mr. Chairman, while this check is being made, I have here something
for the record, anti-American propaganda of the comic book type of publication.
I mean, the format. There is nothing comic about this publication, which
is being widely circulated in Cuba.
I
offer this for the file, for the record by reference, and I have here a
few excerpts from it.
Senator
KEATING. Before we do that, could we have counsel state the source of it,
the basis of his statement that it is widely circulated in Cuba?
Senator
DODD. Yes.
Mr.
SOURWINE. The fact that it is widely circulated in Cuba is documented in
various American publications. It has been referred to by name in, for
instance, Life magazine, Tinge, the New York Times, and others. This particular
copy was purchased on a street of Havana and it is on street corners, hawked
on the corners, according to the committee's information.
Senator
KEATING. Thank you.
Mr.
SOURWINE. The publisher's note in the first of this volume reads¹
as follows
Note
of the editors: With this second pamphlet of “Notes for a True History
of Cuba the Foundation of the Popular Book has gathered two illustrated
works of Jose Pardo Llada. One of them reveals, with a documentary precision,
the episode of the explosion of the Maine, the "mysteries" of which come
afloat as if after 60 years from the tragedy we had extracted from the
bottom of the sea the remains of the famous battleship.
Another
one--of present-day interest--tells in revolutionary prose of the unforgettable
burial of the victims of "La Coubre" and then tells in a fiery statement
all the Cuban reasons to determine the responsibilities of the United States
in the repeated aggressions to the National Sovereignty. Both works--the
same as the previous Pardo Llada work on Bartolome Maso and the First American
Intervention--represent serious contributions to establish the historic
truth of our relations with the United States.
And
the excerpts show the nature of it, involving a charge that the United
States blew up the Maine to start the Spanish-American War, that
the United States blew up the ship in Havana Harbor.
Senator
DODD. Very well, that will be received and marked in the record.
(The
document referred to was received for the files of the committee. Additional
excerpts read as follows:)
The
explosion of February 15.--While
in Washington the representatives of the nascent American economic imperialism
(McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt, Root, Long) were engaged in precipitating
the intervention in the Cuban war, with the intention of annexing the island,
the Spaniards, preoccupied with ironing out their differences with the
already powerful Nation, were smoothing out, with all kinds of explanations,
the diplomatic relations between the two countries, placed in jeopardy
by the imprudence of Ambassador Depuy de Lome.
******
This
was the state of affairs on February 15 at 9:45 p.m., when almost the entire
crew of the USS Maine was aboard, with the exception of the ship's
officers, and a terrible explosion occurred which caused the death
of 266 men. The victims included 264 plain sailors-Negroes in their majority-and
only two low-ranking officers. Almost none of the officers were aboard
at that time3:45 p.m.--but were playing cards in distant residential homes
in the Cerro, or attending a show at the "Teatro Albizu."
Some
eyewitnesses stated that, when the officers of the Maine heard the explosion,
they automatically looked at one another and called out: "It is the boat!"
Those
who were at the "Teatro Albizu" rushed out seconds after the explosion,
headed for the Caballeria Pier and cutting through Calle O'Reilly, certain
that it was a disaster that had struck the unit to which they belonged.
******
As
proved by these statements, the magnates of the American press and the
Washington pro-Colonialism leaders had very little interest in Cuba or
in its fight for Independence. They stated with brutal frankness that they
needed the war "in order to sell more newspapers", or to "make better business
deals."
******
Theodore
Roosevelt, the great culprit.--The
agitation initiated by the American press was followed by meetings and
public acts promoted by the imperialistic political groups, under the slogan:
"Remember the Maine."
******
The
real culprits.--If
it was not the Spaniards--as falsely stated in the Committee report--or
the Cubans--as villainously claimed by Atkins--the question remained: Who
was responsible for the sinking of the Maine?
Indubitably
the warmonggering interests, which had incited the United States to intervene
in Cuba.
Is
it not significant that [only] hours after the explosion and at a distance
of so many miles as between Havana and New York, the warmongering newspapers
were publishing the same conclusions--an underwater mine--at which the
Investigating Committee arrived a month later?
Is
it not a piece of evidence that almost automatically, when the explosion
of the Maine occurred, Under Secretary of the Navy Roosevelt placed the
entire blame on the Spaniards and clamored for sending the entire fleet
to Havana?
What
was the reason for Theodore Roosevelt's insistent request, hours after
the explosion, that McKinley not make any investigation of the disaster
of the Maine?
What
did the famous letter say that Capt. Sigsbee was writing, precisely to
Roosevelt, at the very moment of the explosion?
To
save whom did Capt. Sigsbee say shortly before he died that he never had
stated his opinion as to who had destroyed the Maine?
******
And
once the evidence had been exhausted, with the skill that could have been
displayed only by the best lawyer, aided by the best expert in explosives--and
it so happens that Fidel is a lawyer and that, besides, he had to turn
into an expert on explosives in the Sierra Maestra--the tall, bearded man,
at whom that cold north was hammering away, alone on the platform, without
losing his composure and serenity in making his statement, was asking himself
who might have been the one, or the ones, having arranged that crime, and,
through a series of irrefutable deductions, even submitting such conclusive
proof as the action [reaction?] of the United States Consul at Amberes,
to learning about the shipment of arms to Cuba, established, clearly and
courageously, the indubitable responsibility of the United States for this
monstrous crime.
Mr.
SOURWINE. Has Father O'Farril reported in downstairs?
Mr.
SCHROEDER. No, sir; and the word has gone to Miami to see what happened.
Mr.
SOURWINE. We are informed, Mr. Chairman, that Father O'Farril left Miami
in response to his subpena to come here. I don't know why he has not arrived.
Senator
DODD. Have you notified the proper authorities?
Mr.
SOURWINE. I think perhaps that had better be done.
Senator
DODD. Wasn't he harmed once before?
Mr.
SOURWINE. He was very badly beaten by Batista agents and he was fearful
there would be another attack.
Senator
DODD. Is he another one of the Catholic priests who returned under Castro
and had to leave again?
Mr.
SOURWINE. Yes, sir.
Senator
DODD. I think I would send out the word on that.
Senator
KEATING. Do we know when he left?
Senator
DODD. Do we know when he left, Mr. Schroeder?
Mr.
SCHROEDER. No; we don't.
Senator
DODD. You know he was served?
Mr.
SCHROEDER. I know he was. The marshal notified him.
Senator
DODD. And you expected him here this morning.
Mr.
SCHROEDER. Yes, sir.
Senator
DODD. We ought to find out if he did leave. My recollection was that he
was one in particular that we wanted to hear.