U.S. Senate Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws, of the Committee on the
Judiciary.

Senator DODD.  Tell us your name and address?
Colonel CARRILLO.  Manuel Antonio Ugalde Carrillo.
Mr. SOURWINE.  Where do you live?
Colonel CARRILLO.  334 Aledo Avenue, Coral Gables, Fla.
Mr. SOURWINE. You are a citizen of Cuba?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes.
Mr. SOURWINE. You are a graduate of the Cuban Military Academy?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes, I am a graduate.
Mr. SOURWINE. You have been an officer in the Cuban Army. What positions?
Colonel CARRILLO. I was an officer of the general army of Cuba, not the present one.
Mr. SOURWINE. What position did you hold?
Colonel CARRILLO. Full colonel.
Mr. SOURWINE. Were you Chief of Military Intelligence at any time for the Cuban Army?
Colonel CARRILLO. For 2 years.
Mr. SOURWINE. What years?
Colonel CARRILLO. 1952 to the middle of 1954.
Mr. SOURWINE. This was under Batista?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes.
Mr. SOURWINE. For how many years altogether were you an officer in the Cuban Army?
Colonel CARRILLO. I graduated in 1954.
Mr. SOURWINE. When?
Colonel CARRILLO. 1944 to 1958.
Senator DODD. When did you graduate?
Colonel CARRILLO. 1944.
Mr. SOURWINE. You were then an army officer under several presidents?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes.
Mr. SOURWINE. Were you Chief of the Bureau of Repression of Communist Activities?
Colonel CARRILLO. For the 2 years that I was the Chief of the Military Intelligence.
Mr. SOURWINE. During that period you had access to the files of this organization?
Colonel CARRILLO. To check them, to get them, and to prohibit--to pursue those violators as provided by law.
Mr. SOURWINE. The files of this organization were open to you?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes.
Mr. SOURWINE. You were familiar with those files?
Colonel CARRILLO. Perfectly.
Mr. SOURWINE. I will ask you shortly some questions about this file. But first, when did you leave Cuba?
Colonel CARRILLO. January 1, 1959, at 4 p.m.
Mr. SOURWINE. And you came to the United States?
Colonel CARRILLO. No, to the Dominican Republic.
Mr. SOURWINE. When did you come to the United States?
Colonel CARRILLO. November 1959.
Mr. SOURWINE. From the date of your departure one might assume that you left Cuba when Batista fled and went with him to the Dominican Republic. Is that correct?
Colonel CARRILLO. NO.
Mr. SOURWINE. Were you a supporter of Batista up to the time that he was overthrown?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes I was until he was overthrown.
Mr. SOURWINE. Did you take part in the fighting against the 26th of July Movement?
Colonel CARRILLO. Against, Yes.
Mr. SOURWINE. Were you a field commander?
Colonel CARRILLO. Chief of the Military Intelligence Service.
Mr. SOURWINE. Did you command troops in the field against the Castro forces?
Colonel CARRILLO. For 14 months.
Senator DODD. What did you command? What do you call it--a division, or how do you describe it?
Colonel CARRILLO. An infantry division.
Senator DODD. How many men are in a Cuban division, or how many men were under your command?
Colonel CARRILLO. At the start of operations, 4,000. Later they increased to 6,000 or 7,000.
Mr. SOURWINE. Were these all of the troops in the field against Castro?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes.
Mr. SOURWINE. You were then the commander in chief in the field of all.the troops against Castro?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes, particularly in the Sierra Maestra.
Senator DODD. Well, were there any other troops in the field against him anywhere in Cuba?
Colonel CARRILLO. All military in Cuba, and the major part of the Cuban people.
Senator DODD. But you actually had command of the army, the troops that were committed against him, is that right?
Colonel CARRILLO. Only in the Sierra Maestra area.
Senator DODD. That is where Castro was all the time.
Collonel CARRILLO. Yes.
Mr. SOURWINE. You headed the expeditionary force against Castro?
Colonel CARRILLO. Those forces, for the 14 months, and the last one was General Cantillo.
Senator DODD. I think you told us 4,000 to 7,000. How many did Castro have on the other side?
Colonel CARRILLO. During the time that I was the chief, Castro only had in the mountains of the Sierra Maestra where 50,000 families reside, 700 to 800 men.
Mt. SOURWINE. How did 700 or 800 men defeat 4,000 to 6,000?
Colonel CARRILLO. It is a big error that the democratic world owes to the Communist propaganda. The Communists of Cuba never broke up the military forces of Cuba.
Senator DODD. Did you ever fight a battle against them-our troops?
Colonel CARRILLO. The forces of Castro never gave battle or attacked regularly, only assassinated during the night soldiers traveling from one side to another aloneor small portions of military units.
Senator DODD. How many men did you lose out of your 4,000 to 6,000 while you were in command?
Colonel CARRILLO. In 14 months, I do not recall well, but between 200 and 300 military men.
Senator DODD. And how many casualties or losses you think you inflicted on Castro?
Colonel CARRILLO. Very few Cubans--altogether I believe that in the 14 months in which 1 was chief, between 600 and 700.
Senator DODD. That left only about 100 at that rate. Was he being replenished all the time? You told us he had between 700 and 800. You lost between 200 and 300. You think you gave him losses between 600 and 700. How do you account for this?
Colonel CARRILLO. I am speaking only of the time when I was chief.
Senator DODD. I understand that. That is all I was speaking of, too. But did you leave him with only 100 men?
Colonel CARRILLO. In August of 1958 Castro personally was going to ask--Castro asked to resign himself or give up.
Senator DODD. When?
Colonel CARRILLO. I do not recall, but it would be about August of 1958.
Senator DODD. You are a professional army officer. You are a graduate of a military school and in command of these troops in the field, commanding division. They must have more than 800 troops in total during the time that you were in command, if you inflicted casualties between 600 and 700. Perhaps we don't understand you. Make that clear, could you, on the, record?
The INTERPRETER. Would you repeat that again, Senator? He is not sure exactly if you mean Castro's side or his side.
Senator DODD. Well, this is all confused now. You told us you had between 4,000 and 6,000 troops while you were in command.
Colonel CARRILLO. In round figures.
Senator DODD. And Castro had between 700 and 800 men?
Colonel CARRILLO. In the Sierra Maestra; yes.
Senator DODD. Well, that is all I am talking about. That is where you were, that is where he was. Is that right?
Colonel CARRILIO. Yes.
Senator DODD. Now, you say you lost between 200 and 300 men during these 14 months?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes.
Senator DODD. And you tell us that you inflicted losses on Castro between 600 and 700 in the same period of time?
Colonel CARRILLO. Castro's loss was between 400 and 600.
Senator DODD. All right. Was he left with about 200 men when he took Havana, or took the county over?
Colonel CARRILLO. I am speaking of 5 months before Castro entered Havana.
Senator DODD. I see. And he got additional troops later. Is that the idea?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes, perfectly.
Senator DODD. Where did he get them from?
Colonel CARRILLO. In the cities and towns, where sympathizers were, and the Socialist Party of Cuba.
Senator DODD. You mean that for the losses he got replacements, is that it?
Colonel CARRILLO. Perfectly.
Senator DODD. Now, did you make an effort to capture or destroy his forces?
Colonel CARRILLO. For 14 months.
Senator DODD. With 4,000 to 6,000 men.
Colonel CARRILLO. Even 7,000.
Senator DODD. You never could do it?
Colonel CARRILLO. Never. It is very important that you understand the Sierra Maestra is a mountainous area, 200 miles long and 60 miles wide, and 6,000 feet elevation. Castro was always on the mountains.
Senator DODD. Did you ever have any plans to destroy or capture him?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes.
Senator DODD. Why didn't they work?
Colonel CARRILLO. Because when Castro was going to surrender, or resign, Castro would surrender to the army. The President of the Republic, Batista, designated Gen. Eulogio Cantillo, an official, being an attorney, to confer with Castro concerning his surrender.
Senator DODD. What happened?
Colonel CARRILLO. The instructions that were given to General Cantillo, before me, to remain in the area of Bayamo City (near Sierra Maestra), which was the center of operations, and to converse--confer solely with Castro--the colonel, the lawyer--Neugart is the name of this colonel. For 2 days they conferred regarding the surrender. But they came to Fidel's side after 2 days--the Argentinian known as "Che" Guevara--they did not permit that Fidel surrender. The conference ended or terminated and they left the mountains to disperse them all over Oriente Province, provocating with this, that they unite sympathizers and principally the Socialist Popular Party, Communist Party.
Senator DODD. So the negotiations broke off, is that right?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes, the conference ended "Che" Guevara's intervention.
Senator DODD. Let me ask you a question and then I think we will leave off until tomorrow. Do you think Batista really wanted to defeat Castro? You were in command in the field. You ought to be able to give us an answer to that question. Did he support you, back you up? You said you had plans which would have brought about Castro's defeat, in your judgment, but you never did it. Did you think Batista really wanted to defeat him?
Colonel CARRILLO. I believe so, but he did not help me with military equipment and the necessary material.
Senator DODD. He did not help you.
Colonel CARRILLO. He did not help.
Senator DODD. What makes you think he wanted you to be victorious?
Colonel CARRILLO. I will explain that a little more.
Senator DODD. You know what we mean in English when we say maybe this was an inside job? You know what that language means?
Colonel CARRILLO. The Armed Forces of Cuba never betrayed Batista. Some men of the army conspired against Batista. But that does not mean that the Armed Forces in Cuba betrayed Batista.
Senator DODD. Who was the man who succeeded you as commander in the field? Cantillo?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes, sir.
Senator DODD. Colonel or general?
Colonel CARRILLO. General.
Senator DODD. What became of him? He surrendered, didn't he?
Colonel CARRILLO. Cantillo surrendered to the forces of Castro.
Senator DODD. How many men did he have when he surrendered?
Colonel CARRILLO. More than 40,000.
Senator DODD. What?
Colonel CARRILLO. 40,000.
Senator DODD. In the field--40,000? I thought you turned over to him about 6,000 troops.
The INTERPRETER. He refers to the total number of the government forces in Cuba, not just the Sierra Maestra.
Senator DODD. How many troops that you had commanded did he have under his command when he surrendered?
Colonel CARRILLO. I left him 7,000 troops.
Senator DODD. All right. Now, what became of General Cantillo? Where is he now?
Colonel CARRILLO. He retreated the forces and permitted Fidel Castro to organize a column with his brother, Raul Castro, and depart for other new mountainous areas near Guantanamo--to the north of Guantanamo.
Senator DODD. What became of him after that?
Colonel CARRILLO. He was designated chief in the Santiago area.
Senator DODD. Designated as what?
The INTERPRETER. Chief of Regiment No. 1 in Oriente Province.
Senator DODD. Who designated him?
Colonel CARRILLO. Batista, who commanded the whole army.
Senator DODD. What did Castro do about that?
Colonel CARRILLO. When Castro saw all these ways open, he became emotional and dispersed himself all through the Oriente Province burning buses, public schools, and the sugar industry.
Senator DODD. I did not understand. Is General Cantillo in prison now?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes.
Senator DODD. He was imprisoned by Castro; is that it?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes, Castro accused him of betrayal.
Senator DODD. Do you mean after Castro took over? I suppose you mean--betrayal of what--Castro or somebody else? Did he become a Castro follower? That is what I want to find out.
Colonel CARRILLO. No, he was not a Castro follower before January 1, 1959. After January 1, 1959, General Cantillo sided with Castro
Senator DODD. He did side with him, after January 1, 1959?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes.
Senator DODD. Very well.
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes, he sided with Castro after January 1, 1959.
Mr. SOURWINE. Are you saying that Cantillo joined Castro?
Senator DODD. After January 1, 1959.
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes.
Senator DODD. He did. I take it then from this answer you mean he went over to Castro after January 1, 1959. And was it later that Castro charged him with betrayal, and if so, how much later?
Colonel CARRILLO. Castro imprisoned Cantillo according to his own story.
Senator DODD. How long after January 1, 1959, was he imprisoned? Just tell us that very simple thing.
Colonel CARRILLO. I do not remember, but it was the early part of January 1959.
Senator DODD. We will suspend until tomorrow at 10:30.
Mr. SOURWINE. Mr. Chairman, before you recess, I would like to say for the record that we now have word of Father O'Farril. He has been located. He will be here tomorrow.
(Whereupon, at 4:20 p.m., the subcommittee recessed, to reconvene tomorrow, Wednesday, May 4, 1960, at 10:30 a.m.)

    Havana.--Like Argentina's former dictator, Juan Peron, Cuba's strongman Castro has set up his own "news" service. Castro's device is called Prensa Latina although, contrary to what some newsmen aver, it is not written in pig latin.
    Almost from the day he came to power early this year, Castro has been attacking U.S. wire services, publications, and newsmen. (Revolucion) has referred to Associated Press as "agency of deformation."
    Prensa Latina was officially founded in mid-April, with Jorge Ricardo Masetti, a 29-year-old Argentine newspaperman, as its head. Mr. Masetti came to Cuba last year to cover the civil war for an Argentine radio station. He trekked to the Sierra Maestra, interviewed Castro and returned to Argentina to write a book about the Castro movement, "Those Who Fight and Those Who Cry." He came back to Cuba when Castro overthrew the Batista regime.

    When PL was set up, it issued a press release saying: "Prensa Latina is a private company, created by the efforts, the resources, and the faith of a group of men of goodwill from various Latin American countries. We will avoid everything that signifies political propaganda."
    Mr. Masetti claims that his agency is independent of the Castro regime, but facts indicate otherwise. Prensa Latina was permitted to bring its equipment into Cuba duty free. Prensa Latina does not run anything that is not in accord with the Fidelista line. When Air Force Chief Pedro Luis Diaz Lanz deserted the Castro army, PL waited hours to release the news, delaying until the government devised the official line.
    Recently there was a one-hour work stoppage in Cuba, aimed at showing suppor for Castro. Prensa Latina joined, taking an hour off.
    Prensa Latina has correspondents in more than a dozen Latin American cities, as well as Washington. It hopes eventually to branch out to, Europe and Asia.

    These plans may be delayed, however. The Cuban government has financial troubles, and Castro probably did not bother to figure out what operation of a news agency would cost--particularly since it provides most of its "news" free of charge. One unconfirmed estimate is that the service is costing the government some $6,000,000 annually.
    Lately PL has appeared less interested in competing with All and UPI on spot news coverage, and more interested in spreading the Castro line. This is done by two methods: (1) Carrying stories in accord with official Cuban policies (anti-American riots in Panama; unrest in the Dominican Republic), and (2) carrying statements by lesser Latin American figures praising Castro.
    Most Havana dailies, mainly serviced by AP and UPI, do lipservice by running a token amount of PL stories daily. Lately there has been an ominous
trend, however, with Revolucion attacking other dailies for running AP or UPI stories considered unfriendly to Castro. Presumably, to be safe, the papers arc expected to run only PL material.
    Nevertheless, PI, has readymade clients in Havana. Of Havana's 14 dailies, the Castro regime controls five (including Revolucion), and all of these use PL's services extensively, as does, the Communist daily Hoy. It is often difficult to tell the difference between the PL line, the Fidelista line, and the Communist line.

    An abnormally large number of PL stories quote persons known to be Communists or Communist sympathizers, without so identifying them, according to Stanley Ross, editor of El Diario de Nueva York, Spanish-language daily published in New York He has watched the file for months.
    Gossip has it that the real power in the operation of the service is exerted by Dr. Ernesto "Che" Guevara an Argentine medical doctor, who was with the Guatemalan government during the Communist regime and who is believed now to have power ranking right after Fidel Castro and his brother, Raul. He has been made a Cuban citizen.
    The PL service in the United States is headed by Angel Boan, a Cuban, with headquarters in Washington. The New York office, with seven on the staff to cover the city and the United Nations, has as its chief Francisco Portela, a Cuban who was never identified with political groups in Cuba and who for 20 years was managing editor of La Prensa, Spanish-language daily published in New York.
    It is known that PL asked one newspaper $750 a month for the service and then cut the price down to $200 when the newspaper refused to pay the higher price, but is still supplying it with the daily reports on a free trial basis.

    News originating in New York or Washington is not distributed directly to client newspapers. It goes to the, Havana headquarters for editing or censoring and then comes back to New York. Some of it does 'lot come back.
    Example: On Nov. 10 leaders of the anti-Castro White. Rose movement held a press conference at the New York Advertising Club and announced that Dr.
    Domingo Gomez Gimeranez, Cuban scientist, a researcher at Columbia University will be its candidate for a Cuban provisional government if Castro Is overthrown.
    The story was played big with stories and pictures in New York. It is known that PL correspondents sent the story to Havana, but not a word of it came hack to newspapers in the PL file.

    Mr. Ross said sports coverage by the service is particularly good, especially from Cuba and Puerto Rico. El Diario uses and other sports slot-ies
extensively. Little of the remainder of the news report is used.
    The news report for one day was examined. It contained these stories:
    One from San Salvador about the welcoming of a foreign novelist at a university  without mention  of his Communist record.
    One from Prague saying that Czechoslovakia Wants to help underdeveloped countries of the world, without mention of the Communist regime.
    One from East Germany presenting the Soviet regime in good light.
    One from Mexico warning the govermnet that imi-Castro men arriving there are not refugees but "bandits and killers."
    One from Mexico quoting it foreigner, known to be a fellow traveler for years, as having three heroes in Latin America--naming Fidel Castro and two men known to be Communists, without so designating them.
    Mr. Ross said the news service often quotes the Chinese News Agency of Communist China, which has opened an office hi Havana. Many stories he said, boost Japanese goods as cheaper than U.S. goods and increasing Japanese sales in Cuba often are reported. Ile added that almost every story contains at least oil(, attacking the use of atomic weapons. [sic]
    Incidentally, El Diario de Nueva York supported Castro vigorously (luring I the revolution  Upon the invitation of the Castro regime, Editor Ross went to Havana last January and stayed five day,,,,. Ile, did not like what lie saw developing in the new government and El Diario became critical of Castro.

    Francisco Jose Cardona, editor of La Prensa, Spanish-language daily newspaper published Ili New York, said his paper discontinued the Prensa Latina service two weeks ago for economic reasons.
    "I would not say that Prensa Latina played up pro-Communist news but it carried news from all over Latin America that was hostile to the United States," said Mr. Cardona. "For that reason we had to be careful what items we used (luring the last three weeks we had the service."
    Jules Dubois, the Chicago Tribune correspondent who is persona non grata ill Cuba, has reported that PL's correspondents are mostly Communists and fellow travelers. One of the agency's executives, Baldomero Alvarez-Rios, recently was a delegate to the Communist-dominated Youth Festival in Vienna and then visited Moscow, Peiping, and other Iron Curtain capitals.

Prensa Latina, the new news service for Latin American newspapers, with headquarters in Havana, is not connected with or financed by the Castro, regime in Cuba and it does not play up pro-Communist news or personalities, according to Jorge Ricardo Masetti, director-general of PL.

Mr. Masetti, an Argentine newspaperman, prepared a statement in reply to a news story in EDITOR & PUBLISHER (Nov. 28, page 46). Before the story was published, Mr. Masetti was asked for a statement to be published as part of the story. The request was sent by airmail Nov. 13. His brief, one-page letter in reply, denying that PL is financed by Cuba or that its news file favors Communism, was received too late for or inclusion in the November 28 story.

After the publication of the E&P story, Mr. Masetti sent this more complete reply, dated November 30:

"1. Your new-, story seems to be composed of two parts. The first one is in undisguised repetition of a former story published in Time (July 27). Even the same wording is used. I think you should have quoted your source of your information, which is far from  accurate.

"2. The second part of your story seems to have been rigged by editor Stanley Ross. We do not think Stanley Ross is a qualified witness. Ile was expelled from the Inter-American Press Association in October 1956, oil the charge of being associated with Trujillo. Further, lie has been a New York correspondent for the late Agencia Latina, owned by former Argentine President Juan Peron.

"3. You seem to take it for granted that PL is financed by the Cuban government You cannot prove it (and you cannot prove it because it is not true).

"4. Your 'unconfirmed estimate' of what PL is costing (not the Cuban government, but the shareholders) is very flattering. You would not believe it, but the actual cost is five times less. Your estimate will be used as an argument before the shareholders. * * *

"5. Mr. Ross' method of 'watching our files' is very curious. We are releasing front 160 to 200 stories daily. Among them, you could conceivably find-as Mr. Ross does-five which seem favorable to the Communists. You could also -find them in the AP or UPI service. You could even find them in EDITOR & PUBLISHER.

"6. Of course we do not identify anyone as a Communist, unless he is acting as a member of the Communist Party. We do not identify Marilyn Monroe as a Republican or a Democrat, because we do not know in which case she might feel insulted. We prefer the old-fashioned method of identifying people by their names. * * * The practice of labeling as a Communist or 'fellow-traveller' anyone who does not admit being one thing or the other, is equivalent to what your own Code of Ethics terms 'expression of opinion.'

"I think Mr. Ross (and by the way, EDITOR & PUBLISHER) Should reread Canon V, which deals with 'Impartiality': 'Sound practice makes clear distinction between news reports and expressions of opinion. News reports should be free from opinion or bias of any kind.'

"7. According to your story '(PL) news originating in New York or Washington is not distributed directly to client papers. It goes to Havana headquarters for editing or censoring and then comes back to New York. Some of it does not come back.'

"Sure, this is almost true. But suppose we replace that statement by this one :

" 'All' or UPI news originating in Havana (or Buenos Aires or Rio, or an.)- other part of the world) is not distributed directly to client papers. It goes to New York. or San Francisco headquarters for editing or censoring and then comes back to Havana. Some of it does not come back.'

"So what? Barring 'censorship,' which is not a PL practice, this is the normal procedure in all existing news services.

"(S. The Gomez Gimeranez story is utterly ridiculous. If Mr. Stanley Ross really has been 'watching our files,' lie should know that we are not sending back to New York any story originated in New York, a-, we are not sending, back to Santiago de Chile or Caracas stories originating in Santiago or Caracas. The local newsmen are supposed to cover the local stories. This also is normal procedure. Even if we wanted to distribute Argentine news (for instance) in Buenos Air", we wouldn't be able to do it; it is forbidden by law. For the same reasons we are not distrubuting Cuban news in Cuba. But if there is any doubt left, you can ask All or UPI. They know all about it.

 "9. Your article implies that we are Communists. We are not. Let me add that if we are Communists, our Communism is a very strange one. For instance, our first columnist is a French Catholic writer, Nobel Prize winner, called Francois Mauriac. Our advisor in North African affairs is a Catholic priest, Father Alfred Berenguer. Our coverage of the Catholic Congress recently held in Cuba is as wide as anyone.

"In conclusion, let me say that your whole story can be torn to pieces, 'word by word. It is a shame to your tradition of seriousness and objectivity. It gives proof to those who hold that a great part of the American press systematically thwarts and distorts Latin American facts."

It's a Red-patterened well-organized "hate U.S." campaign that Castro is conducting among U.S. neighbors to the south. Chief vehicle: A "news" service to peddle the Castro, line. Investigation by "U.S. News & World Report" shows the scope of the operation, spreading throughout Latin America.

Fidel Castro's Government is waging the most ambitious campaign ever undertaken to turn all of Latin America against the United States.

It is a campaign that employs the Communist tactics of propaganda, intrigue, and subversion, and it is making converts in a group of countries that traditionally have been friendly to the U.S.

In this pro-Communist, anti-U.S. offensive, Castro is employing these principal weapons:
    A "news" service, complete with bureaus, radio teletypewriters, and a farflung corps of correspondents.
    A radio network that utilizes 18 stations outside of Cuba.
    A flood of anti-American pamphlets and "news" releases distributed by Cuban diplomats and Castro's labor federation.
    Conspiracies by Castro's diplomats and secret agents, designed to stir up trouble for the U.S. and, in some cases, to overturn governments friendly to Washington.

Editing the "news. "-Spearhead of this offensive is Castro's "news" service, Agencia Prensa Latina--usually called Prensa Latina. Castro, irritated by the way U.S. news agencies reported his activities, discussed the problem a year ago with his chief "brain truster," Argentine-born Maj. Ernesto (Ché) Guevara, and it was decided to establish an "independent" news service.

An Argentine friend of Guevara's, Jorge Ricardo Masetti, was hired to set up the operation. He was given an initial drawing account of $325,000. Today, Prensa Latina is in the "news" business in a big way.

Nerve center of Prensa Latina is its Havana headquarters, which occupies an entire floor in the skyscraper Edificio Médico, or Medical Building. Here, dispatches radioed and cabled in by Prensa Latina's dozen bureaus and network of correspondents are screened and edited to bring out angles favorable to Castro and Communism and unfavorable to the U.S.

Some stories are picked up from Cuban newspapers-which, with three exceptions, are pro-Castro. Items received from the Soviet Tass and other Communist agencies are translated into Spanish and Portuguese by a special section of 12 linguists

All these items are blended into a "news" report that reads much like the line dispensed by Tass. It is sent by radio teletypewriters to Prensa Latina's bureaus for distribution to some 60 newspapers and a number of radio stations in Latin America.

Portrait of U.S.-On a typical (lay, this "news" report contains stories under headings such as these: "Student leaders, of Latin America visit Red China"; "Mexico criticizes U.S. policy on corn exports"; "Youth problems in New York"; "How Soviet Russia brings prosperity to, East Germany"; "Brazilian state government criticizes contract with American power company"; "Land reform in Cuba"; "Castro proclaims press freedom in Cuba"; "Poland wants to help underdeveloped countries of Latin America"; "Panama plans Dew moves against U.S. imperialism"; "Hungary boosts output of consumer goods."

When Senator John F. Kennedy, campaigning for the U.S. presidential, nomination, declared recently that 17 million North Americans go to bed hungry every night, Prensa Latina grabbed the item, and it got quite a play in Latin America. "Revolución," Castro's semiofficial mouthpiece in Havana, headlined the story: "The myth of prosperity in the United States."

For Communist, leftist, and ultranationalist editors, Prensa Latina is an invaluable aid. It provides them with ammunition to use in discrediting the U.S. while picturing the Castro-Communist tie-up as an ideal partnership for progress.

The Red slant.-Most of the members of Prensa Latina's staff are old hands at spotting stories that can be given an anti-U.S. twist. Masetti had years of experience with a similar service financed by dictator Juan D. Perón of Argentina.

Many other members of the staff are fellow travelers or Communists. Still others are leftist-nationalists who favor neutralism.

Now, some of these nationalists are turning sour on Prensa Latina, for they find that what they expected to be a genuine news agency is merely a propaganda arm of the Cuban Government. In protest, Paul de Castro, a Brazilian, has resigned a responsible position with the agency.

De Castro, as head of the Prensa Latina bureau in Rio de Janeiro, became disillusioned with the organization and the kind of "Dews" it was handling. He became aware, also, that his office was being used as an espionage center.

"The directors of Prensa Latina," De Castro said, "are men of totalitarian backgrounds, regarding the U.S. with a blind. hate due to the Peronist and Stalinist backgrounds they share. Cuba is their only concern, and Latin America is so only to the extent that it serves the interests of Cuba. Little by little, it became evident to me that this was a Cuban agency serving the Government itself."

"If one may judge by Prensa Latina," he added, "the Cuban revolution has taken a grave turn toward a police state, with tyranny and indifference to truth as its method and system."

Who pays the bills?--Prensa Latina's operating expenses are estimated by news-service men to run from $150,000 to. $200,000 a month, at a minimum. It is not clear where much of the money comes from. Revenue from the sale of the service is negligible, for most clients receive it free. The Cuban Government is believed to pick up $60,000 of the tab each month. Some believe the rest of the money comes from a source behind the Iron Curtain.

Prensa Latina has its radio counterpart in a newly established network called Cadena Latinoamericana--Latin-American Chain. Key station of the chain is Radio Unión, in Havana, owned by the Cuban Confederation of Labor---CTC---and staffed principally by Communists and fellow travelers.

Radio Unión broadcasts each night by shortwave to two relay stations-one in Venezuela and one in Argentina. The programs are rebroadcast to 16 stations in Argentina, Uruguay, Brazil, Chile, Venezuela, Costa Rica, and Guatemala. Billed as "news," the prograins consist of propaganda. Among their listeners are millions of Latin Americans who do not read newspapers.

These broadcasts, now beamed only to Latin America, are soon to be extended. The Government in Havana has announced that a high-powered station, under construction in Cuba, will carry the Castro-Communist message, in several languages, to the whole world.

The CTC, besides lending Radio Unión to the Castro cause, is engaged in propaganda activities on its own account. Every month, it mails two violently anti-U.S. magazines-"Vauguardia" and "Noticiero Sindical de la CTC"--to a long list of editors and labor leaders in Latin America. It also distributes "news" releases and some of the many anti-U.S. pamphlets now being published in Havana.

Embassies--and espionage.-Cuban diplomats also are pushing Castro's antiU.S., pro-Communist line throughout the world, with special attention to Latin America. Many of these are young firebrands without diplomatic experience who devote most of their time to distributing propaganda designed to show that the U.S. is the real enemy of Latin America.

Working closely with Communists and with Castro's secret agents, several Cuban diplomats have meddled in local affairs to the point where they have worn out their welcomes in their host countries. This was the case with Salvador Massip, Cuban Ambassador to Mexico.

Massip, a boon companion of the Soviet Ambassador, was suspected by Mexican officials of receiving instructions from him. The Cuban Embassy issued false passports to Soviet and Czech agents to facilitate their travels in Latin America,

Mexican sources said. A member of Massip's staff traveled secretly through Central America a few weeks ago, reportedly laying the groundwork for a series of revolutions intended to overturn governments friendly to the U.S. and replace them with governments oriented toward Havana and Moscow.

After finally falling into disfavor in Mexico, Massip was recalled and replaced by José A. Portuondo, described by anti-Castro newspapers as a Marxist.

Another ambassador who wore out his welcome was René Rayneri, in El Salvador. His pro-Communist activities were so flagrant that the Salvadoran Government asked for his recall. His successor is Francisco Pividal Padrón--a man whose pro-Communist meddling as Ambassador to Venezuela was so blatant that the Caracas Government declared him persona non grata.

In Guatemala, Ambassador Antonio Rodriguez narrowly avoided expulsion recently for similar activities. Neighboring Honduras expelled a Cuban diplomat, Victor A. Mirabal Acebal, on February 16 for subversion and mixing into local politics.

In Colombia, Communists and other leftists staged an anti-U.S. demonstration on March 7 and distributed leaflets blaming the U.S. for the explosion of the French munitions ship La Coubre in Havana harbor a few days earlier. Colombians believe the Cuban Ambassador, Adolfo Rodriguez de la Vega, inspired the demonstrations and the leaflets.

In Uruguay, the Cuban Embassy and the Soviet Legation instigated an attempt by university students to disrupt President Eisenhower's ride through Montevideo early in March. Cuba's Ambassador to Panama, José A. Cabrera, is trying to make common cause with the Panamanians in their difficulties with the U.S. over the Canal Zone.

Coming: more troublemaking.--This is the pattern of propaganda, meddling, and subversion that Cuban diplomats are following in Latin America. Now, an increase in subversion is expected, as a result of the Havana Government's decision to assign a new officer, called a consular attaché, to each embassy. Each consular attaché, it is understood, will be an intelligence agent who will outrank the ambassador and will be well supplied with funds to finance subversion and agitation.

Castro's Government, thus, is going all-out to stir up trouble and turn the countries of Latin America against the United States.

Prensa Latina, a Latin American wire service formally launched at a ceremonial dinner in Havana on June 9, was founded in response to the dissatisfaction frequently expressed by Fidel Castro with the news carried by U.S. wire services concerning Cuba. Its administrative headquarters has ostensibly been established in Mexico City, and the president of the agency is Guillermo Castro Ulloa, a Mexican industrialist. Bureau headquarters, however, are in Havana under the supervision, as Director-General, of Jorge Ricardo Masetti, an Argentine and reportedly former chief of the old Agencia Latina de Noticias (ALN), a Peronista mouthpiece. The Havana office is said to have a staff of 60.

Prensa Latina stories are now appearing in the press and on the radio in Bogota, Buenos Aires, Caracas, Havana, La Paz, Lima, and Mexico City, and is reported to have agencies in Montevideo, Panama, Rio de Janeiro, San Jose, and Santiago. In the United States, La Prensa, of New York, and Diario de Nueva York are using PL stories.

PL maintains offices in New York, Washington, and Chicago, and plans to open offices in San Francisco and other U.S. cities. Leo Aragon and Angel Boan Acosta are in the Washington office.

It appears that the overwhelming majority of those publications utilizing the PL service are receiving that service on a free, trial basis. How long PL can maintain that free service is dependent on PL's money source, as yet unidentified. However, the manner in which PL operates would indicate that PL is not limited by a lack of funds.

Prensa Latina is reported to have signed an agreement with the Middle East News Agency and the New China News Agency, providing for an exchange of, news.

Various Cuban leaders have expressed their support for PL. Revolucion, the 26th of July organ, has warmly welcomed PL and carries many PL stories. Raul Castro was quoted, when recently in Lima, as stating that "the only reports the Cuban people can believe are written by Prensa Latina-all else is false."

PL seems to have a proclivity for reporting anti-U.S. statements made by various student or political leaders throughout Latin America, statements which do not seem newsworthy enough for other wire services to carry. PL also. seems to carry more news about agreements, sales, etc., between Latin American countries and the Soviet bloc than do -other wire services.

Both Radio Moscow and the New China News Agency occasionally repeat PL stories, when those stories have an anti-U.S. twist. PL carries a large number of short news briefs.

Ruby Hart Phillips, in the New York Times of August 24, states that both foreign and Cuban newsmen in Havana complain of the extraordinary facilities being granted to PL, and that PL manages to get exclusive interviews and reports denied to other newsmen.

There is as yet no definite evidence regarding the financial connection between PL and the Cuban Government. There is no doubt, however, that PL is pro-Castro. PL has yet to carry any news which could. be viewed as not sympathetic to the Cuban Government. There have, however, been only one or two stories favorable to the United States.

Prensa Latina (PL) was inaugurated in June 1959 as a wire service devoted primarily to coverage of Latin American news. It is reported that Fidel Castro, in an attempt to propagandize his revolution through means other than the U.S. news services, which he believes are very biased, provided $800,000 financial backing to get the PL started. He is now subsidizing PL out of Government funds. The central administrative office is located in Mexico City (to give the impression that this is an independent news service), but the editorial offices are in Havana.

The Director General of PL, and the man who controls the editorial policies of the service, is Ricardo Masetti, an Argentine who was the former head of Peron's AGENCIA Latina, and a close friend of Ernesto "Che" Guevara, head of the Cuban National Bank. Heads of PL outside of Cuba include the following:

a. Hermann Konche Uruguayan-Prensa Latina representative in Rio de Janeiro. Konche is a close personal friend of Ricardo Masetti.

b. Rogelio Garcia Lupo-heads the Prensa Latina office, in Santiago de Chile Argentine friend of Masetti.

c. Plinio Apuleyo Mendoza-leftist liberal with commie connectionsheads the Prensa Latina office in Bogota, Colombia.

d. Carlos Enrique Aguirre--Argentine-head of Prensa Latina office in Montevideo.

e. Oscar Edmundo Palma-a Communist attorney---heads the Prensa Latina office in Guatemala.

f. Ernesto Glachetti-An Argentine-heads Prensa Latina in Lima.

g. Efraim Rodriguez Venegas serves as Prensa Latina agent in San Jose. He is a former Nicaraguan citizen and is reputed to be a member of the Costa Rican Communist Party.

Prensa Latina maintains offices in the following cities, with stringers in many others: Washington, New York, Havana, Guatemala City, Mexico City, Buenos Aires, La Paz, Rio de Janeiro, and probably Sao Paulo, Santiago (Chile), 'Bogota, San Salvador, San Jose (Costa Rica), Lima, Montevideo, and Caracas. PL is also attempting to open offices in Europe and Asia.

Prensa Latina's coverage of Latin American news is far better than any other service, and the material reported is usually objective and factual. The hews carried is not openly propagandistic in nature, nor does it reflect the trademark of the Communist line. However, PL's anti-American slant is shown by the selection of news rather than by editorializing or distorting. It generally-reports overt Communist activity in LA much like any other routine news and without an "anti" slant. Any news which is anti-Commie or Anti-CASTRO is either completely ignored or given very little coverage, whereas statements which are anti-American or pro-Communist receive widespread distribution. For example, a statement by a government official of a Latin American country which is pro-Soviet or anti-American is reported widely, and in such a way that it appears that such is the popular view of the Government in that country. U.S. military movements in the Caribbean are widely publicized, as in the case of the shore leave of Marines in the Dominican Republic, which was construed as a pro-Trujillo show of force.

Since the PL news service is free to using newspapers, radio, and TV stations (except in Venezuela), many small papers and left-wing papers use PL material heavily. 'Up to now, the large newspapers use the service only occasionally, and then with reservation. However, since PL has no competitor in its coverage of Latin American events, the number of subscribers is growing rapidly.

For non-LA news PL has used the services of TASS and New China News Agency (which occupies the same building as PL in Havana), as well as the Czech news service CETEKA, with which it maintains teletype service. Radio Peking has used PL stories in its broadcasts. At a news agency conference held in Havana from 12-30 January, which was sponsored by Prensa Latina, representatives of the following bloc news services were in attendance and later signed bi-lateral pacts with PL: TASS, CETEKA, Hsin Hua (NCNA), Tanjuc of Yugoslavia, Polish Press Agency (PAP), and Agence Telegraphic Bulgare of Bulgaria. This conference stimulated many resignations from PL employees who could see the Communist orientation of PL.

I Mr. MANDEL. And finally there is a, clipping from the Daily Worker on Prensa Latina dated April 24,1960, page 7.

Senator KEATING. It will be received also.

(The clipping was marked "Exhibit No. 7" and reads as follows:)

Jorge Ricardo Masetti, head of "Prensa, Latina", a Wire service covering all news in Latin America, speaking to the students of the University of La Plata in Argentina, declared, when asked about Cuba:

"I ask you to think that while we are here speaking about this question, there is a Latin-American country that is being bombed every day; that every day this country is being subjected to the scientifically organized and disseminated lies of the news trust in the U.S.A.; a country which every day sees the plans to occupy its territory through violence and murder being surreptitiously developed."

Mr. SOURWINE. I might also call attention by reference to the testimony before this committee respecting Prensa Latin% by General Cabell the Deputy Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, on 1959. November 5, 1 will read just one sentence from  this memorandum: Prensa Latina was organized with headquarters in Cuba in early 1959. Now, I ask the witness, with the understanding that we are talking about and asked you about an organization which we are informed was founded in Cuba, in June of 1959, how do you account for your answer that you knew of this organization in the early 1950's?
Colonel CARRILLO. I believe I was under a confusion when I tried explain my knowledge about Prensa Latina and I should explain it now.
    I know three matters about Prensa Latina. They are not too strong. They are poor. But other persons I believe will testify who will have better and more knowledge about this matter. But I know that during World War II, there was formed, in Argentina Prensa, Latina, which later disappeared.
    During the year 1945 to the year 1950 there appeared in Cuba a pamphlet of information that was edited or formed by the party, the Socialist Communist Party of Cuba, and it had in small lettering as a title, "Information For," in large lettering, "Prensa Latina."
    During that period the corps of investigation worked upon this matter. I did not participate at that time as an officer of an investigation unit, but simply as an army officer.
    But in the records in the archives, when I reached it in 1952, I found this type of information by the way of pamphlets in the manner which I have described.
    Now, in the year of 1959 it appears again the name of Prensa Latina in Cuba.
    That is all.

Mr. SOURWINE. Do I understand correctly that when you referred to Prensa Latina this morning as an organization formed auxiliary to Tass and connected with the Chinese News Service, you were referring to the earlier Prensa Latina about, which you knew?
Colonel CARRILLO. I believe it is the same organization because in 1952 I found  that these pamphlets were supposed to be secured [seized] because they gave information which was nothing more than Communist  propaganda.
Senator KEATING. That was back before Castro came to power.
Colonel CARRILLO. Exactly.
Senator KEATING  In other words, what you are saying to this committee is that, in your judgment, Prensa Latina, had a connection with Tass way back since 1952 on?
Colonel CARRILLO. Exactly. This type of Prensa Latina which we are talking of now is the same organization that appeared in the archives.
Mr. SOURWINE. This is your opinion.
Colonel CARRILLO. It is my opinion and based on what I read in the archives.
Senator KEATING. The archives of BRAC?
Colonel CARRILLO. They were transferred later to BRAC. At that time it was known as the Intelligence Service.
Senator KEATING. Proceed.
A/fr. SOURWINE. I think that clears up at least what the witness is talking about for the record.
    Now, one more point to clear up. It has come to me that during the luncheon hour you expressed an opinion with respect to the use or intended use of the concrete installations about which you testified.
    If this report is correct, and you have expressed privately an opinion about the use or intended use of this installation which you have not told the committee, I want you to tell us now what your opinion is with regard to this.
Senator KEATING. Just hold that question a minute.
    Let us withdraw that question and let me ask another question preliminary to that.
    Have you, since the recess, given information to members of the press or others with reference to your opinion regarding the use of this concrete strip about which you testified this morning?
Colonel CARRILLO. During recess?
Senator KEATING. Since we recessed this morning, yes. I don't want his answer to this. All I am asking for is, have you given this information to others yourself ?
    I don't want the information yet.
Colonel CARRILLO. I did not give the information. I solely discussed on the basis of the drawing where it appeared in the newspaper, the Diario de la Marina, information about directed missiles. Not in Cuba, but in the Caspian or in an ocean near that place.
Senator KEATING. Caribbean.
Colonel CARRILLO. Your Honor, will you permit me a declaration, a statement?
Senator KEATING. Yes.
Colonel CARRILLO. In relation to what we were talking before, I have been looking at the drawing which I drew myself and which was-which I hold in my hand here, and I wish to explain something which I did not quite explain before about concrete foundations which I talked about before.
Senator KEATING. Very well.
Colonel CARRILLO. There are two highways which go to the place of Cienega de Zapata. They first started to be constructed at the beginnings of 1959.
    One starts at the capital of the province, runs southward toward Cienega de Zapata. One starts east of Cienega de, Zapata at the city of Parada de Pasejero which runs east to west and which leads into Cienega da Zapata. During few stretches of this highway, they are about 4 to 6 meters wide. When they are about to reach the center of Cienega do Zapata, near the Laguna del Tesoro--the Laguna del Tesoro is within Cienego de Zapata-this highway widens. There is where it starts a type of landing, aircraft strip, aircraft landing strip, where also there are certain powerful concrete bases and where they have informed me that there are still in construction similar bases in that area and which causes me to send a message asking them to pay attention to the information appearing in the Diaria de la Marina, to know what was there.
    If those bases could be used for military armaments, like the directed missiles, or launching pads for missiles, et cetera, all that may be required for a heavy base, they informed me--they who have no mental technical capacity-they believe that something of that sort was happening there.
    Now, it is my opinion in elaborating all the information brought to me that it cam be used for directed missiles, for launching pads, for a type of use which is military and not agricultural, nor tourist as they are made to appear to be. Clearly I have not the means to take the pictures and be able to study this matter further.
    What I have received, like the width of the highway, the depth of the concrete of the highway, the width of the bases, which fluctuate between 10 and 15 meters--
Mr. SOURWINE. You have not given us the depth of the concrete. What is that figure?
Colonel CARRILLO. The highway when it starts at the town it is an ordinary highway when it goes in much firmer ground, but as it enters into the mountains--I meant as is it enters the Cienege (not the Sierra) it is much heavier.
Mr. SOURWINE. Mr. Chairman this clears up, I think, the two points which were left hanging at the recess. I want to apprise the Chair that we have a request from Mr. Andres Jose Rivero-Aguero, I who is here, intended to be a witness, to try to get his testimony today so he may return and keep a commitment. If the Chair pleases, we might let the present witness stand down and call Senor Rivero-Aguero.
Senator KEATING. Will you tell the colonel he may step aside? We would I like to call another witness. We would like to call him back later.

Mr. SOURWINE. Do you have information respecting the shipment of Communist propaganda into Cuba?
Colonel CARRILLO. What year?
Mr. SOURWINE. I can't ask for the year because I am asking you if you have information .
    Let me say this to you: If you have information about the shipment of Communist propaganda into Cuba at any time, we want you to tell us about it.
Colonel CARRILLO. Cuba, has always been a center of distribution of Communist propaganda, international communism.
Mr. SOURWINE. Where does this propaganda originate?
Colonel CARRILLO. A lot of it was printed in Cuba secretly when it was persecuted by those governments which were not in accord with communism. Now it is published openly. During the previous governments, the publication, Hoy, was closed and the radio station, Mil Diez. Presently the Communist Party publishes the Hoy and the radio stations air, transmit the political speeches of the party, Socialist Popular.
Mr. SOURWINE. Mr. Chairman, we are moving very slowly. Would it be satisfactory to the Chair if counsel puts the questions in summary of the testimony which has been given in executive session and asks the witness whether this is a correct summary of the testimony previously given? Or should we proceed with direct questions?
Senator KEATING. Let us try that course and see how we get along.
Mr. SOURWINE. Did you testify in executive session that more than 12,000 manufacturing  plants and bases have been nationalized by the Castro government?
Colonel CARRILLO. Plants or plantations?
Mr. SOURWINE. Plants or plantations? The question I asked was manufacturing plants and bases.
Colonel CARRILLO. By this time they should exceed 15,000. They are in the records of all the newspapers of Cuba.
Mr. SOURWINE. Did you testify in executive session, and is it true, that the Communists have infiltrated the Catholic youth movement in Cuba?
Colonel CARRILLO. Exactly.
Mr. SOURWINE. Did you testify, and is it true, that Russian submarines had been seen in the Cienega de Zapata and in the Sierra Maestra also?
Colonel CARRILLO. Will you permit me, before I answer this question, to answer the previous one so that it would not be incomplete?
Senator KEATING. Yes.
Colonel CARRILLO. The information given to me about the Communist infiltration into the Catholic Action, Accion Catolica, in 1952 and 1953, is in the archives which they have not burned of the regency of the church in Havana, addressed to Cardinal Arteaga.
    Now, I can continue with the second question.
Senator KEATING. Do you remember what the second question was?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes.
Senator KEATING. Please answer it.
Colonel CARRILLO. I have an information about the Sierra Maestra when I was Chief of Military Operations given by the Military Intelligence Service within the military operational zone that a submarine, without identifying it, had landed near the end of the river of La Plata, South of Sierra Maestra, and for Fidel Castro. We used rubber dinghies. It is a rubber conch shell used for two or three persons at sea, and in a battle which took place recently arms were used which were manufactured  in Czechoslovakia. And all that proof was sent to the President of the Republic who told me that they would be investigated by the American military missions to identify the origin of that proof that had been sent.
    The opinion recovered from that area which is supposed where the submarine was, is that it was a Russian submarine because the American submarines have identifications, and this one was all black without any marking, and only large powers could transit in the ocean this type of transport.
Mr. SOURWINE. I show you a duplication of a sketch and ask if this is a sketch which you drew for the committee?
Colonel CARRILLO. This is to the south of the island of Los Pinos, where there was a landing secretly in the same form, the same days, for it appeared in the world press that there was a mysterious submarine to the south of Argentine.
    This submarine approached the southern coast of Isle de los Pinos, and my informer personally saw 14 trucks loaded with heavy equipment covered with tarpaulins of dark color, and when he approached these trucks as they neared the coast he noticed that there were no boats around. The trucks left at the beach. It seemed they had dragged heavy equipment on the sand, and he alleges, assures, that it was a submarine.
Mr. SOURWINE. Did you tell us in executive session that in your opinion Batista had no will to fight Castro and was more interested in money than in saving the Republic of Cuba?
Colonel CARRILLO. Exactly.
Mr. SOURWINE. You still believe that to be true?
Colonel CARRILLO. Exactly.
Mr. SOURWINE. Did you testify, and is it true, that Batista had provided $300 million for public works, but no money for military purposes, during the height of the insurrection?
Colonel CARRILLO. I think it is more than $300 million that he dedicated for public works and very little for the military opposition to Castro.
Mr. SOURWINE. There is another witness who needs to be heard briefly today.
    We will ask you to step aside at this point.
    We will hear you a further at the next session of the committee.

Mr. SOURWINE. Colonel, you remember telling us about Chilean and Communist Chinese pilots sent to Cuba as instructors?
Colonel CARRILLO. Exactly.
Mr. SOURWINE. Will you tell us briefly what the facts were with regard to that?
Colonel CARRILLO. I had information directly from Cuba of persons within the air force, that men of Chinese nationality were arriving but with residence in Chile, with other technicians of nationality of Chile, to the air force of Fidel Castro at Havana, coming from Chile.
Mr. SOURWINE. This is all you know about this.
Colonel CARRILLO. That is all I can remember at this time.
Mr. SOURWINE. In executive session you told us about a connection between William Morgan, an American, and Guitierez Menocal, an international Communist. Will you tell us what you know about this?
Colonel CARRILLO. The second name that you mentioned, if it is Guitierez Menoyo.
Mr. SOURWINE. It is entirely possible that I have the name in error. I am asking for the testimony of the man who told us about it in executive session, and that is you, so you tell us what you know about the connection of William Morgan with an international Communist.
Colonel CARRILLO. Exactly, we were talking about Guitierez Menoyo, a Spanish Communist that fought in the Spanish War and that had been living in Cuba for quite a time, previous to Fidel Castro coming into power.
    Guitierez Menoyo distinguished himself in Cuba because of his Communist activities. For that reason the police services had him as a militant Communist. He associated himself with a recent conspiracy with William Morgan, commander of Fidel Castro's army, of American nationality, to try to work over an idea of a revolution against  Fidel Castro, and thus discover those who were not in accord with Fidel Castro, but always obeying the orders of Fidel Castro. Once the conspiracy was discovered, there were some deaths and others are in jail. The press gave plenty of publicity to this fact.
Mr. SOURWINE. Colonel, do you know Gen. Alberto Bayo?
Colonel CARRILLO. Not in person, but his history I do.
Mr. SOURWINE. Do you have knowledge respecting General Bayo's activity in the teaching of guerrilla warfare in Cuba?
Colonel CARRILLO. Exactly.
Mr. SOURWINE. Tell us.
Colonel CARRILLO. At this time he is instructor of the new forces, the militia forces which are being formed, and sometimes he, gives military instruction at the Colombia, and on other occasions oil the past, on the beaches which are near Boca Chica, Tarara, where there is a provisional military camp to train men.
Mr. SOURWINE. Is General Bayo a Communist?
Colonel CARRILLO. Active, an active Communist, of Spanish nationality.
Mr. SOURWINE. Will you tell us for the record here what you have already told us in executive session about the conversion of portions of the Isle of Pines into a military and naval base?
Colonel CARRILLO. In reference to the activities of the Communists or of who?
Mr. SOURWINE. I will start again. Do you have information respecting the conversion of part of the Isle of Pines into a military and naval base?
Colonel CARRILLO. To convert it, to change it from one thing to another.
Mr. SOURWINE. Yes.
Colonel CARRILLO. The Isle of Pines has changed considerably since Castro came into power changing the highways into military--southward to the island, where it crosses some swamps, and that highway reappears again near the ocean, where I informed previously, that they had unloaded heavy equipment without knowing what the equipment was, but there were plenty of trucks..
Mr. SOURWINE. Have you now given the committee on the public record all the information that you have about this?
Colonel CARRILLO. Are you talking about the Isle of Pines solely ?
Mr. SOURWINE. Yes.
Colonel CARRILLO. I remember I have said something else about this Isle of Pines about an informer who was personally there in the island when there was a reunion in the house of the engineer who constructed the highway toward Baya Rojo in the island during the government of Batista. In that house, there was a reunion of Fidel Castro, "Che" Guevara, and Mikoyan.
Mr. SOURWINE. You mean Anastas Mikoyan, the Russian?
Colonel CARRILLO. Exactly,  the Russian who was here and then he went to Cuba. I don't know his name. I don't remember how to write his name.
Mr. SOURWINE. You say Mikoyan and Castro had a meeting on the Isle of Pines in this house?
Colonel CARRILLO. Exactly. I want to understand that this is the same person that-the Russian leader, who was recently in Cuba.
Mr . SOURWINE. This was on the occasion of this recent visit to Cuba?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes, sir. The recent visit that was made to inaugurate, by that Russian.
Mr. SOURWINE. Who else, was present, if you know?
Colonel CARRILLO. I am informed at that meeting, which was secret, there was no publicity made. However, the Cuban press made a, detailed information of the visits to the various centers, of labor and cooperatives of Cuba, but of this visit to the Isle of Pines there was no publicity.
Mr. SOURWINE. Well, who was present in the house when Castro and Mikoyan met?
Colonel CARRILLO. There were sometime, I had this information, but, Fidel Castro, Raul Castro, "Che" Guevara, there was one more person that I don't remember, just about four important persons.
Mr. SOURWINE. How do you know about this meeting?
Colonel CARRILLO. From a person who had been in the island, by a person who was near the house talking to the persons that were in there, in the interior of the house. I cannot--I have to reserve, the name of that person, informant-because he still remains in Cuba.
Mr. SOURWINE. Mr. Chairman, this is a little difficult to explain. We went over it in great detail in executive session. With the Chair's permission I should like to ask a leading question here which may help to clarify this situation.
    Is this correct: You had an informant  whom you trust as reliable, whose name you cannot give us because you have to protect him? This man was not himself present in the room where Castro and Mikoyan met?
Colonel CARRILLO. Not inside the, room, no. He was not in, but outside in the area where the reunion took place.
Mr. SOURWINE. He was in another part of the house.
Colonel CARRILLO. Not in the room but within the house, yes.
Mr. SOURWINE. Yes. Now, in order to keep their conversations secret from the people who were around them, you told us, Mikoyan and Castro spoke in English.
Colonel CARRILLO. The informer says that he heard the voicenot speaking in Spanish-of Fidel. He said "Let's talk in English." I don't think Fidel talks very good English but he can understand by talking slowly, because of his culture which he has, he has lived here in the United States.
    But the important thing about this that there was an interpreter, that he is the official interpreter of Mikoyan, who talks Spanish and English, both. And on some occasions they talked in Spanish and in English loud.
Mr. SOURWINE. You told us, did you not, that an aide in the kitchen, who was back and forth into the room where the meeting took place, understood English as well as Spanish and that he was reporting to the people in the kitchen what was going on in the room where Mikoyan and Castro were present?
Colonel CARRILLO. I wish to state that from this time on, I cannot, I should not wish this to be published because that is the means of identifying this person. He is going to be immediately identified in Cuba..
Mr. SOURWINE. Anything you say here, of course, is entirely public. If there is anything which you feel should not be made public, don't say it here.
Colonel CARRILLO. Exactly.
Mr. SOURWINE. What I am attempting to determine is whether the information about this conference between Castro and Mikoyan-
Senator DODD. I suggest you just ask him if he got information from a source that he considers to be extremely reliable, he can tell us "Yes" or "No" and what the information is. End it at that.
Mr. SOURWINE. Very good, sir.
Senator DODD. I don't think you ought to go into detail whether it was in the kitchen or parlor or anywhere else.
Mr. SOURWINE. Do you have information
Colonel CARRILLO. I didn't understand the question you asked.
Senator DODD. There was not any question to you; I was talking to counsel.
Mr. SOURWINE. Do you have information respecting this meeting of Castro and Mikoyan from a source which you consider to be highly reliable.
Colonel CARRILLO. All right.
Senator DODD. I think we have already on the record that he does so consider this person, and that this person has given him this information; I suggest you ask him what the information  is and get that on the record.
Mr. SOURWINE. What is the information that was given to you by this informant that you consider reliable?
Senator DODD. Isn't the statement itself on the record that the witness says if be discloses his name or identifies him it will put him in jeopardy? That is sufficient, I think, to warrant no further information.
Colonel CARRILLO. I consider the information of this person reliable because all the information we had up to this time from Cuba is from persons who risk their lives to give this information in order that it may be known abroad.
Senator DODD. We are satisfied about that. Let's get the information.
Colonel CARRILLO. I have no proof, I cannot present any proof, but, I vouch for the good faith of that person.
Mr. SOURWINE. All right, what is the information?
Colonel CARRILLO. One of the matters which my informant thought was important was that Fidel was advised that he should not maintain a press attack constantly, systematically against the United States. That it should be made by chapters.
Mr. SOURWINE. By what?
Colonel CARRILLO. Chapters by episodes, serial. That on some occasions, I mean, that it should be calmed in order that the matters be estimated and when the diplomatic relations be then calmed they should again start another measure. We have already taken over the American properties in Cuba. The publicity about the American Embassy in Cuba, and we know about this, publicity, information about culture, that we are accustomed to receive. I understand that they are trying to avoid that this publicity, like movies, pictures, pamphlets
Senator DODD. Tell us just what Mikoyan told Castro and this will help us a great deal, what lie is alleged to have told him. That is what we want to have on the record. It is of interest to us, just stick to that, tell us what was heard or what he allegedly overheard?
Colonel CARRILLO. The matters which I just mentioned, that the attack against the United States should not be kept on systematically. We know that it is known that that is systematic; that, mainly, daily it is increasing.
Senator DODD. We know that too. Tell us the conversation, who said it, is there anything else?
Colonel CARRILLO. This is conversation which is going on in a room where there are several persons, and the advice goes back and forth to Castro.
Senator DODD. All right.
Mr. SOURWINE. Proceed.
Colonel CARRILLO. They also talked about military matters, but this information reached me quite weakened. And they talked about the visit that he was going to make to Cienega de Zapata, the place where I testified previously -where they were building highways which could be transformed or used for airstrip. He was there, too. The Cuban press published some photos of Mikoyan fishing in a small boat with Fidel Castro.
Mr. SOURWINE. Before we get away from this conference you are telling us that this conference took place before Mikoyan went to Zapata? Is this correct?
Colonel CARRILLO. Exactly, he was there before, because
Mr. SOURWINE. All right. You told us some of what was discussed. Through your informant do you know of anything else that was discussed by Mikoyan and Castro?
Colonel CARRILLO. I know that there is more about this conversation, a lot of it, much more conversation was made, but at this moment I cannot just state it. In this drawing appears the house where the conference was held.
Mr. SOURWINE. Yes, that drawing is already in the record.
    Do you have anywhere a record or memorandum of what was reported to you about this conversation ?
Senator DODD. Anything that will help you refresh your memory.
Colonel CARRILLO. Are you making reference to the notes and memorandum that I wrote which I made available to you?
Mr. SOURWINE.  Yes.
Colonel CARRILLO. I had all that memorandum for you, and when I gave it to you, I understand it was destroyed. All the information, all the notes I destroyed, but I can rewrite them again, what I know.
Mr. SOURWINE. I am trying to find out whether when you got from your informant the news of, about the conference between Mikoyan and Castro you wrote down any part of that news or any notes regarding it and kept what you had written down?
Colonel CARRILLO. Exactly. My informer came here. I wrote, them here, not over there.
Mr . SOURWINE. Do you still have those notes?
Colonel CARILLO. No, all those notes, once I gave them to you they were destroyed. There were too many notes and I didn't want to keep them around. It is not my mission now to keep archives, but the, same persons, I can question them and they can inform me.
Mr. SOURWINE. Mr. Chairman, I ask that we pass this point and that consideration be given to getting committee approval to insert at this point an excerpt from the executive testimony which will cover the point fully as testified to with his notes at hand.
Senator DODD. That is all right. It will probably save time. It is the type of hearing where we cannot strictly follow rules of evidence without refreshing  his memory. If he has given information, and does not now recall it, make the suggestion to him and see if he remembers it now. Or if you want to go by that and put in the executive session I think that is all right.
Mr. SOURWINE. All right, Mr. Chairman.
(Following is the pertinent portion of Colonel Carrillo's testimony in executive session:)
Mr. SOURWINE. Now if you will go ahead in your own words and tell us what you want the committee to know.
Colonel CARRILLO. In the first place I want to talk about the security of the Americas, in connection with the brief information I already referred.
    This is the Isle of Pines [pointing to map he has sketched]. We can say between Cuba and the Panama Canal. In the south of the island, between swamps, there is a highway being built-from the north to the south of the island. At the south coast at the end of the island there are great depths in the sea where the undercraft can very easily maneuver. It is almost below the Swamp of Zapata.
    In the days when the great publicity was made, about the submarines that were supposed to be in the Gulf of Nueva in Argentina-in those same days--about 10 or 15 big trucks of the army were moving in that new highway to the southern part of the Isle of Pines. They have built at the end of the island at the southern part an arifield. At night the trucks went empty and came back loaded and they were completely covered.
    The person who saw that informed me that he does not know what they contained--what the cargo was. He tried to search and went near the seashore--he saw no ships, no aircraft.
    At night the aircraft cannot land-no lights. He thinks that a submarine unloaded something that day. That's what he thinks.
Mr. SOURWINE. Can you tell us who the man was?
Colonel CARRILLO. I am sorry. I cannot mention his name because he will be in danger.
Mr. SOURWINE. Can you tell us something about him? Is be educated? Is he reliable?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes. He is an educated man. He is completely reliable.
Mr. SOURWINE. Does your informant know that the trucks were loaded at the beach?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes.
Mr. SOURWINE. What else do you have to tell us?
Colonel CARRILLO. The search of these two informants.
    There are two things in my personal opinion that I want to point out to you. The first is-This was going to be an auxiliary base of Zapata; or this will be a base for an attack on a Central American country.
Mr. SOURWINE. Or both?
Colonel CARRILLO. Perhaps.
Mr. MANDEL. You are familiar with that base-the one you are talking about-through your own knowledge?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes. I have been there on many occasions--by air and many other ways-including, I built a hut there and installed microwave equipment.
Mr. SOURWINE. Did you have other facts that you wanted to tell us about?
Colonel CARRILLO. This is the first part as far as security is concerned. Now the second part is the political part.
Mr. SOURWINE. This is a map which you drew?
Colonel CARRILLO. I just drew that from my own mind.
Mr. SOURWINE. Let's put that in the record at this time.
    Mikoyan and Castro have the meeting there [pointing at map] in this house
Mr. SOURWINE. The house marked with red?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes.
Mr. SOURWINE. When was this meeting?
Colonel CARRILLO. The week that Mikoyan was in Havana.
Mr. SOURWINE. You learned this the same way you got the other information?
Colonel CARRILLO. No; it was from another source.
Mr. SOURWINE. Was this other source reliable?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes; I was for a year Chief of Intelligence.
Mr. SOURWINE. Yes; we know that.
Colonel CARRILLO. That is why I have reliable sources of information .
Mr. SOURWINE.  You have reliable sources of information in various parts of Cuba?
Colonel CARRILLO. All parts.
Mr. SOURWINE. You know that Mikoyan visited the Isle of Pines while he was in Cuba?
Colonel CARRILLO. I did not have any information that he was there, but the person who saw him there told me he was there.
Mr. SOURWINE. We know this, but we did not know that he visited the Isle of Pines, and I want the record to be clear whether lie visited the Isle of Pines and while there met Castro at this house.
Colonel CARRILLO. The meeting was secret. The people around there had rumors. The person who told me-he saw it.
Mr. SOURWINE. He saw Castro and Mikoyan?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes; he identified them-Mokoyan and Castro. There was a picture of them.
    (The map is reproduced at p. 400.)
Colonel CARRILLO. It is by hand. It is not exact.
    As far as the political question is concerned, in that meeting-the Isle of Pines-it was agreed, or it was discussed very much, about the United States.
Mr. SOURWINE. You are talking about the meeting between Castro and Mikoyan.
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes.
Mr. SOURWINE. And you base this on information received from an individual who was there?
    (Discussion off the record.)
Colonel CARRILLO. The meeting took place in English. He [informant] could not understand English.
Mr. SOURWINE. Castro and Mikoyan spoke in English?
Colonel CARRILLO. Mikoyan had an interpreter. Castro made order to speak in English. The interpreter spoke to Mikoyan in Russian; to Castro in English.
Mr. SOURWINE. Castro speaks English?
Colonel CARRILLO. Broken but understandable.
Mr. SOURWINE. Then how do we know what they were talking about?
Colonel CARRILLO. Now that is the question.
    The people who were there in the meeting place: there was one who was in the confidence of Castro. He was in charge of the kitchen, bringing  vodka and coffee and everything. When he went to the kitchen he would tell what was discussed to the others-other aides of Castro.
Mr. SOURWINE. Actually, what you are reporting is what one of Castro's officers told other Castro people in the kitchen?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes; he went back and forth from the kitchen.
Mr. SOURWINE. What did he tell them Castro was discussing?
Colonel CARRILLO. I am explaining so, so you will believe what I am explaining that is what I am going to explain now.
    This aide of Castro was indicating while the others were listening--"Now we are going to be strong. Now we will have all the help, all the military aid. We will have planes, tanks.."
    And they used very derogatory language, against this country when they said they would have tanks and aircraft from the Soviet Union.
    Another time, when he went where Castro and Mikoyan were meeting, he was telling the others that Mikoyan was advising Castro that he should not use systematic attacks against the United States, and I have been able to corroborate that because every day I listen to the radio stations from Cuba. Sometimes they use bitter attacks. Sometimes they are silent. In other words they do not use "propaganda." So they are using that tactic because now they want to get better relations so that they can prepare another attack some place else.
Mr. SOURWINE. This is what Castro said, or what Mikoyan said?
Colonel CARILLO. This man who was coming back and forth from the kitchen. He was drinking and it was not preparation for keeping secrets.
Mr. SOURWINE. Now, I want to go over this phrase, by phrase.
    It is my understanding that the man who came into the kitchen, came into the kitchen several times, and each time he said something else about what was going on.
Colonel CARRILLO. Exactly.
Mr. SOURWINE. On one occasion he said they are using bad language, about the United States?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes.
Mr. SOURWINE. On another occasion he told Castro that he was not supposed to attack the United States publicly.
Colonel CARRILLO. Systematically.
Mr. SOURWINE. What other occasions?
Colonel CARRILLO. In the meeting Mikoyan advised Castro that he should not attack the United States personally, but let his aides do so.
Mr. SOURWINE. All right; what else?
Colonel CARRILLO. This man that went back and forth-he came to the kitchen and said-I have told many times to Castro he should let his assistants do that so he would not be on the spot. They can use radio, press, and so forth, that he controls."
Mr. SOURWINE. I want to determine if anything else was said by the man who came back to the kitchen.
Colonel CARRILLO. Now, sir, that is the conclusion.
Mr. SOURWINE. Never mind the conclusion. I want to know if you know anything else that was said at the, meeting.
Colonel CARRILLO. As, you know, sir, I have not all this on record, but I have it in my mind.
Mr. SOURWINE. I want to be sure you have told us all that happened at the meeting so far as you know it.
Colonel CARRILLO. Now I am going to make a recollection in my mind to see if I have everything. In this meeting, I think it seems to me that they only talk about the relation of Cuba with this country.
    The men that were chosen after this meeting--the men that will be needed to come here to have a meeting for better relations-this is what this man told in the kitchen. This man was discussing in the kitchen the men who will be members of that commission.
Mr. SOURWINE. That was before anything was said to the United States about such a meeting?
Colonel CARRILLO. Oh, yes. When Mikoyan was in Cuba. That is why I have given so much importance to this meeting because, I have seen that the evidence is coming to be true.
    Raul Roa--foreign minister of Cuba-is the strong arm of the Communist Party in Cuba. Now this is about politics, about Castro.
Mr. SOURWINE. Are you through now telling us everything that took place at the meeting?
Colonel CARRILLO. I have already told you about that.
Mr. SOURWINE. Before you go to something else, Mr. Mandel wants to ask a question.
Mr. MANDEL. Is it important to know the names of any other important Cubans who were also present? Raul Castro, Cho Guevara.
Colonel CARRILLO. He told me about the most important officials, and I ask him if Che Guevara was there or Raul.
Mr. SOURWINE. Did he say that Che Guevara was there? Was Raul there?
Colonel CARRILLO. By his features-he was able to tell from pictures in the press-Raul Roa was at the meeting.
    Che Guevara was at the Zapata Swamp when Mikoyan was there.
Mr. SOURWINE. Do you know the names of any other persons who were at the meeting?
Colonel CARRILLO. His recollection was that only three Cubans that he knew. The rest were foreigners. Of the important officials-- rest were foreigners. Fidel, Raul Roa, the third person he was not able to recognize. There are newcomers in the regime.
Mr. SOURWINE. Did he say he only knows the names of three, or that only three Cubans were there?
Colonel CARRILLO. In the place where they had the meeting-in that mansion-there were many persons. At the meeting seventhree Cubans, four foreigners. Fidel, Raul Roa only could he identify.
Mr. SOURWINE. Then there was (1) Fidel; (2) Raul Roa; (3) Mikoyan; (4) the interpreter; (5) another Cuban; and the other two were foreigners. Right?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes.
Mr. SOURWINE. Who was the man coming out for coffee?
Colonel CARRILLO. A trusted man of Castro's.
Mr. SOURWINE. He was in the meeting?
Colonel CARRILLO. No; he was coming back and forth.
Mr. SOURWINE. He said, if I understand, that the negotiators to come to the United States were to be chosen by those at the meeting, is that right?
Colonel CARRILLO. Of course my belief is that one of the members of the. commission will be Raul Roa. But he might not
Mr. SOURWINE. Did you not tell us earlier that the man who came to the kitchen said it had been stated that the men who were to come to the United States were to be chosen by the men at the meeting?
Colonel CARRILLO. In the meeting they were, talking about the ones that they would choose to be members of the commission. They were making a list. They were already planning for the commission. But he did not say that those members of the commission would be chosen by those at the meeting.
Mr. SOURWINE. The question of who was to come to the, United States was discussed at the meeting?
Colonel CARRILLO. Yes.
Mr. SOURWINE. I just wanted to get that clear. Now what else is there that you wanted to tell us, Colonel?
Colonel CARRILLO. Now we have already concluded with this part. The second part is in connection with politics.
    They are doing a double play with Fidel. Even though they are the ones who are strong and have control they know that they cannot maintain that for too long in Cuba.
    This branch is trying to attach the Communists to their side so the Communists who are today with Castro may be put out but this opposite branch will be with Castro.
    Of course this will bring about some confusion about what we are talking about.
Mr. SOURWINE. Are you saying that the Communists do not trust Castro?
Colonel CARRILLO. No. I am trying to say that the, Communists are very smart. They know that the Cuban people do not like Communists and they do not want to go together with Castro. Well, the idea, is that even if Castro falls they will continue as an organized Communist Party in Cuba.
Mr. SOURWINE. What specifically are they doing to carry out, this idea?
Colonel CARRILLO. They axe, having, you know, secret meetings, with the blessing of Dr. Barona and Prio, the former President of Cuba. The one that is taking care of the meetings is an old Communist. The man who is in charge of all these meetings is Aurelio Sanchez Arango. I discovered this even though I am in a passive investigation. Even though I was surprised about the silence in regard to Sanchez Arango. That is why I started to dig and found that he is directing this meeting.
Mr. SOURWINE. Are you trying to tell us that the Communists are preparing a second echelon to take over if Castro goes out of power?
Colonel CARRILLO. Exactly.
Mr. SOURWINE. In other words, the Communists feel that if Castro goes out, Raul, Raul Roa, Che Guevara, etc., will go out.
Colonel CARRILLO. They will do this: Raul, Che, will stay; but they will purge Antonio Nunez Jimenez, and others, that are not reliable to international Communists.
Mr. SOURWINE. Are you saying they are planning on a peoples' government which is wholly Communist to replace the Castro regime?
Colonel CARRILLO. The people's republic is already organized.1 The state has taken over all the property, all the land, all the industry. In the schools they are teaching all the Communist doctrines. They have organized militias.
Mr. SOURWINE. Who is to head this regime which will succeed Castro?
Colonel CARRILLO. In my opinion, within this new group that is headed by Tony Barona and Sanchez Arango. They will have a

"KEATING. Do you think that Cuba is becoming a Communist satellite on our doorstep here?

"DILLON. Certainly it's true that the Cuban Government and I differentiate between the Government and the people of Cuba in the last year has become increasingly infiltrated by either Communists or close followers of the Communist Party line. And looking at it from the other side, Mr. Khrushchev has announced that the Cuban revolution is the kind of revolution  that he likes and the Soviet Union likes and that they want to see used as a model all over the world-and not only in Latin America. They make no bones about saying that Cuba is an Ideological satellite of the Soviet Union. It certainly is as far as the Government of Cuba and its leaders are concerned. Now all the same, this is happening. It is developing in the economic field. It's a most regrettable situation.

"KEATING. Is there anything that we can do to protect ourselves against this danger?

"DILLON. Well, there are plenty of things that we can do. I would not like to talk about them in detail before we do them, but one thing that's happening is that there has been a great change in the past year in the attitude generally in the other Americas. They don't understand much better than they did before the nature of Castro's government In Cuba.

"KEATING. Do you think that U.S. approval, or its attitude with regard to the overthrow of the Korean President, Mr. Rhee, had anything to do at all with events In Turkey and in Japan?