By Serge F. Kovaleski
Washington Post Foreign Service
Saturday, October 23, 1999; Page A17
PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti—As night fell on the Port-au-Prince suburb of
Petionville, a contingent of heavily armed Haitian police descended on the
home of Leon Jeune, a former police chief and presidential candidate who
was a vocal critic of the government. After firing a volley of gunshots
toward the sky, the officers mounted a raid on his residence that
participants now describe as dirty politics rather than law enforcement.
Authorities said at the time--Nov. 16, 1997--that Jeune, then 61, was
amassing weapons to carry out an attack against the state. But two officers
involved in the raid said that, while they confiscated several guns belonging
to Jeune, the police planted numerous other firearms and munitions
throughout the house to incriminate him. The officers also said the
handcuffed suspect was beaten by a police commander and would have
been killed had a U.N. official not arrived on the scene.
"We were shooting in the air to make it seem like he was shooting at us;
was part of the plan," said a participant in the operation. "The mission was
designed so he would be killed."
Jeune spent more than three weeks in jail before a judge ordered his
release. By then, his case had become an example cited by critics inside
and outside the Haitian National Police who say that segments of the
U.S.-trained force have been used at the behest of politically connected
commanders to harass, intimidate and silence some opponents of the
government and former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide.
A politically neutral police force was considered a top priority for Haiti
after 20,000 troops, mostly Americans, dismantled a military dictatorship
here five years ago and reinstated Aristide as the country's first
democratically elected president. But interviews with a half-dozen former
and active Haitian police officers suggest the effort has a long way to
go--that some commanders use their powers for ruthless political
enforcement that evokes memories of the repression Haiti endured for
years before the United States intervened.
The police officers said that at times they were even urged by their
superiors to ignore the human rights training they had received from U.S.
advisers and to get tough with political targets. "One commander said to
forget what we learned at the academy and act like policemen in an
undeveloped country," a former police officer recalled.
The current and former police officers who early this month described the
attacks refused to allow their names to be published out of fear of
retribution against them and their families. Some of the former officers have
moved to the United States and were interviewed there.
The orders to carry out politically motivated attacks came from upper-level
commanders with ties to Aristide's Lavalas political party or the
government of President Rene Preval, who is Aristide's hand-picked
successor, the officers said. There does not appear to be concrete
evidence that Aristide and Preval or police officials above the rank of
commander have been directly involved in planning or ordering the
harassment and intimidation. But speculation to the contrary abounds, and
Haiti's society remains starkly divided between a small group of haves who
run the economy and the poor masses who look to Aristide for radical
"Institutionally we have preached and consistently enforced a nonpolitical
position," Police Chief Pierre Denize said. "This country has a great
tradition of the force serving the political, and right now we are against the
Many of the political operations have been carried out by members of the
police department's SWAT division and officers in a crowd-control unit
known as CIMO, according to the officers interviewed and foreign law
enforcement officials. One of the officers said he also has received extra
money from his superiors for conducting surveillance and investigations of
"In the end, SWAT had become a political instrument, a political tool.
this was not what it was supposed to be," said one former officer.
The past and current officers said that on a number of occasions they were
ordered to detain individuals deemed to be political opponents on grounds
that they posed a threat to state security, even though there was little or no
evidence to support the claims. Some of the arrests were conducted using
"Sometimes there were operations that I think were done just to scare or
intimidate people who were not in step with the government or Aristide.
One time we raided a house above Port-au-Prince that had nothing more
threatening in it than furniture," said one former officer, who said he quit the
force after he was threatened for refusing to participate in a raid.
Three weeks ago, the issue of police harassment gained further attention
when a group of officers carrying semiautomatic weapons accompanied
government regulators and a justice of the peace to the downtown office of
Vision 2000, a radio station that has criticized the government and
Aristide. Regulators claimed that Vision 2000 was illegally operating its
satellite link, but the situation was defused when the station presented its
"I see this as political harassment of a radio station," said Vision 2000's
general director, Leopold Berlanger. "It was intimidating because it was far
from a normal inspection, which does not include an armada of police with
Some politically related police operations have involved more than
harassment. One night two years ago, an officer recalled, several SWAT
team members were dispatched by a commander to an isolated stretch of
road north of Port-au-Prince and told to wait for a gray Jeep with a certain
license plate and to fire at the driver when the vehicle passed.
"The commander just told us that a lot of political leaders are
troublemakers and if we do not take care of them they will take care of
us," he said. "We had our fingers on our triggers but we never saw the
Aramick Louis, the police commander accused of beating Jeune during the
raid in Petionville, denied in an interview that he mistreated or planned to
kill the former presidential candidate and said no weapons were planted in
his home. Louis said a six-month investigation revealed that Jeune, who
served as interim police chief in 1995, was planning a coup d'etat at the
National Palace using 1,500 men.
"The police are here to protect democratic institutions. At the same time,
we must stay out of politics," Louis said.
Jeune, who plans to run for president again next year, denied he planned
coup, saying, "What they did was political, and it was obvious to me that if
they could have, they would have killed me. Since I got out of jail, I have
not talked much. To tell you the truth, if I talk too much, it gets on their
Notwithstanding its problems, the new police department is considered to
be a significant improvement over the state security squads that terrorized
this impoverished Caribbean country during decades of military-backed
The force, said to have about 6,000 officers, has also been praised for
good police work despite being short on manpower and equipment. Earlier
this month, for instance, officers seized more than 600 pounds of cocaine,
five luxury cars and $42,000 in the upscale Belvil neighborhood outside
Drug-related corruption, however, remains widespread, including at the
commander level. Subordinates have been transferred from their posts,
threatened and even killed for raising questions about political operations
or other illicit activities, officers said.
A power vacuum, meanwhile, has emerged at the top of the force with the
recent resignation of the secretary of state for public security, Robert
Manuel, who had worked closely with Denize since 1996. Manuel has left
the country, apparently for security reasons. He had faced heavy criticism
and pressure to step down from Aristide's political movement.
While officials from Aristide's party complained that Manuel was unable
rein in crime, others suggested the party wants to exert greater control over
the police force. Lavalas officials, while acknowledging they have criticized
the force's leadership, deny any connection to politically motivated attacks
The force also came under harsh criticism for failing to respond more
assertively at a May 28 anti-crime rally in Port-au-Prince organized by the
Chamber of Commerce. The rally was disrupted by demonstrators linked
to Lavalas, and the event grew unruly. The lack of police action was
viewed by many as a strong indicator of the department's general
allegiance to Aristide.
But recent events suggest the use of police in political operations can
both ways. During the Lavalas campaign against Manuel and Denize, a
news director of the party's Radio Timoun was arrested in late April after
his car was stopped in a routine search and leaflets denouncing Manuel
were found in the vehicle. The director was accused of plotting against
state security but was released the following day.
The night after Manuel resigned, former army colonel Jean Lamy, a close
friend of Aristide and Preval who was said to be talking about assuming
the secretary of state job, was shot to death in his car on a main
Port-au-Prince street. Witnesses said several police cars were nearby
when the shooting happened.
© Copyright 1999 The Washington Post Company