Residence of the Executive,
                                                                                                                                                                                         January 12th, 1872; 5th year
                                                                                                                                                                                         Of Our Independence.
Mr. President,
 Encouraged by the noble words in reference to this country contained in your last message, words which have gained the gratitude of all Cubans in arms against Spain, I do not hesitate to address you, in the absence of a recognized representative in your Republic, although I perhaps run the risk of seeing the high position which I occupy disregarded. Your message, honorable sir, justly states that the prolongation of the present state of things in Cuba, and the lack of a prospect of a settlement, produce uneasiness and excitement in the United States. The reserve of a statesman and your natural modesty prevented you, without any doubt, from adding that it was a source of continual trouble to the American Government, rendering its attitude towards Spain and its relations with that country at least difficult, and forcing it to keep, in order to protect the interests of its citizens, an expensive squadron in Cuban waters. Even if the above reasons did not exist, you might have based your apprehensions on the inconsistencies of the Spanish Government and the demoralization of the majority of its functionaries.
 Thus it was that the admirable recommendation was made by you to prohibit American citizens from acquiring property in countries where slavery exists, you this condemning, although indirectly, with your disapprobation and displeasure, a nation which, while styling itself free, maintains and encourages this institution as far as he’s in its power.
 A proof of the demoralization to which I have referred is found in the fact that it has been proposed, in the peninsula, to farm out the custom-houses of Cuba, for a large amount, in order to avoid the immense frauds which are committed.
 The present state of affairs in Cuba constitutes a war whose existence Spain, with unjustifiable tenacity, persists in not recognizing, carrying her presumption so far as to undertake to prevent other nations from doing so, as if they had not a right to act in accordance with their own choice in such a matter, and as if the war which is being waged by the Cubans against Spanish domination were not a war of political emancipation, marked not only by the excesses of every struggle, but by all the horrors which the Spanish character has stamped upon all the wars in which Spain has been a party. Cruelty has been carried so far, sir, that not only are men put to death who are taken prisoners with arms in their hands, but also those unfortunate persons who, indifferent to the struggle and unarmed, have remained in the rural districts where they were born or brought up; all those who, taking no part in the contest, live outside of the towns, either on account of their want of means, or because they are unaccustomed to town life.
 But, like everything that is abnormal, untrue, and that is not based upon the immovable foundations of justice, this denial of the existence of a war on the part of the Peninsular Government has been found unsustainable. That Government has in vain applied the name of brigandage to the Cuban revolution, carried on by an organized army, which is daily led to battle and victory by officers of distinct grades, subject, as are the soldiers, to a law of military organization, punished, when guilty of any misdemeanor, by legislative enactments, and rewarded by the same according to their merits.
 The “Diario de la Marina” may be considered as the organ of the Spanish authorities of Cuba; this journal dedicates its editorial column, in addition to others, almost exclusively to the war in Cuba; and both in its original articles, and when it inserts decrees of the home government, allowing some play to reason and common sense, it admits the existence of this state of war, laments the losses caused thereby to fortunes, and while true to its Spanish instincts, it honors progress and human improvement with no consideration, its tone is very loud and pompous in regard to every thing that relates to the loss of wealth.
 The bill introduced in the Cortes in October, 1871, for the payment of the Cuban debt, was recently printed in that journal, the product of the war subsidy, is to be devoted to this end; it published, moreover, the following statements, which reveal the importance of the contest, and show what a burden it is to the Spanish treasury; the admitted expenses of the civil war up to October, 1871, were 314,500,000 pesetas; (the value of the peseta is 20 cents) the amount estimated as the expenditure for 1871-72, is 137,407,852.86 pesetas; while the deficit on account of the war amounts to 30 to 40 millions of pesetas.
 It is seen from the above that Havana is threatened with a commercial crisis, on account of the present illegal condition of the bank, and on account of the depreciation of the paper money with which the city is flooded; it is also evident that a civil war exists; this is plainly shown by the desire expressed by King Amadeo I to come to Cuba and take command in person, in order to bring about the pacification of the island; such a desire would certainly never have been manifested, if, instead of the powerful forces which form our organized army, there were but a few bands of marauders who obeyed no combined and preconceived plan of war, insignificant in number, and with men of no character for their leaders. Finally, the statement published by the same journal, that volunteers and arms had been received at Havana from New York, for the army, is a further proof of the existence of a war.
 The frightful scenes which have recently been enacted at Havana, the political murder of several youths, and the imprisonment, with the vilest criminals, of a large number of young men, were acts of ferocity more in accordance with the character of bloodthirsty tigers than of defenders of a pretended national integrity, based on the absurd right of conquest and maintained with the most stupid ignorance and the most sordid avarice; they were acts which by reason of their atrocious character and the atmosphere of blood which they produced, doubtless caused you deep grief. I will not speak of them at length, Mr. President; the feeble nature of man has not the super-human self-control which would be required of me, in speaking of such a matter, by the respect which I owe to you and by my own dignity and the high office which I hold.
 It would not be in harmony with my character to waste many words upon the boasts constantly uttered by the Spaniards concerning the immense forces which, say they, are being levied in Spain, in order to make war upon your nation, if, acting in accordance with what it may deem its duty, it should dare to recognize the independence of Cuba; this is all the more insulting to the United States, inasmuch as I do not remember that similar language was used in relation to the English protectorate which was granted to the Venezuelans, during their war of independence, nor in relation to the British legion which took part in it, and made many a Spanish soldier bite the dust.
 I cannot, however, avoid adverting to the fact that, notwithstanding the infamy with which you branded the Spanish Government in the note addressed by Mr. Fish July 9th, 1870, to Mr. Lopez Roberts, Spanish Minister at Washington, in reference to a provlamation issued by Count Valmaseda, which document threatened the extermination of an entire people, the said Count has recently issued an order, which, in spirit and tendency, is only a second edition of that proclamation. I have the satisfaction of informing you, Mr. President, that very nearly at the same time, I granted a pardon, and issued orders to my officers, which were inspired by the sentiments of humanity which civilization demands.
 The “Bandera Española” a paper published at Santiago de Cuba, and also a Government organ, says in an editorial that not even foreigners should be exempted from the newly created patrol-service. Thus, while it indirectly declares that a civil war exists (this being the only case in which the compulsory employment of foreigners in this capacity is authorized, and then only for the preservation of order) it creates a new source of trouble to your Government, by reason of the way in which this suggestion may affect American citizens.
 The detention by force, and the search on the high seas of a vessel sailing under the honored flag of the United States, by a Spanish vessel of war, is an act which the Spanish press in the island of Cuba has undertaken to defend on the ground that it was a right recognized aqmong belligerents; which is a tacit admission that the Cubans have such a character, as no war can exist without an adversary; the Spaniards assumed this in order to exercise the right of search on board of a neutral vessel, sailing in neutral waters, because they suspected it of carrying aid to the Cubans; now who was the other belligerent party, if not that which the vessel in question was, as they allege, seeking to aid?
 The principles defended by the Cubans, and the form of Government which they have established, written in the constitution promulgated by them, render it the duty of the United States, more than of any other power, to favor them. If, from motives of humanity, and in the interest of civilization, all nations are under obligations to interest themselves in behalf of Cuba, demanding a termination of the war which she is waging against Spain, the United States have a duty to perform which is imposed upon them by the political principles which they profess, proclaim and defend.
  To the public and official manifestation of the sympathies in our favor of that country which gave birth to Washington and Lincoln, and to so many martyrs to the social emancipation of a race, there can only be opposed motives of selfishness, fears of expense likely to arise from an imaginary war, which, should it be quixotically undertaken, would soon be terminated by the force which right and justice give. The expense which is now incurred by the United States, on account of the present abnormal state of things, will, perhaps, in the long run, be quite equal to the expense of a war. These outlays, moreover, are now productive of no benefit to the country, and, in a measure, compromise the honor and dignity of the country.
 You know, Mr. President, by experience, that the Cubans can expect nothing from the promise of Spain, and that it is in vain to expect that country to become convinced of the advantage which she would derive from recognizing our independence. Our struggle, like all those of its kind, will be long, but the act which justice demands of you, Mr. President, i.e. the recognition of our belligerency and independence, would shorten it very much.
 Excuse me, sir, if in the midst of your numerous and important occupations, I appeal to you, not as a suppliant, but in order to furnish to you the occasion of performing this act.
 Believe, Honorable President, that if you do so, a thousand families will bless your name, and you will gain, beside the profound gratitude of my country, the admiration of
                                                                                                                                  your most faithful servant,
                                                                                                                                  C. M. Céspedes
                                                                                                                                  President of the
                                                                                                                                  Republic of Cuba